Performing Ecology—Dap-ay as a Performative Model in the Aanak di Kabiligan Community Theatre’s Staging of Balitok: Voices from the Mines
Roger Federico*
Abstract
Dap-ay is a circular stone-paved structure, traditionally used as a political system and venue for rituals and community gatherings in various communities in the Cordillera Administrative Region. This paper examines how the concept of dap-ay is employed as a performative model in the Aanak di Kabiligan Community Theatre’s docu-theatre production, Balitok: Voices from the Mines, which aims to promote environmental awareness. It examines how dap-ay, as a symbol of indigenous ecological stewardship and collective memory, is virtually integrated with the collaborative nature of theatre-making in Balitok that preserves the transactional relationship between persons of wisdom and their community. Dap-ay is also used for storytelling, discussion, and decision-making, offering a framework to address environmental and social issues. Through the framework of dap-ay, the community theatre group gains wisdom from research, interviews, and community immersion. These activities in the production or staging of Balitok promote indigenous traditions while fostering a collective, embodied understanding of the environment, bringing to life stories of mining communities that narrate the differences between traditional and commercial mining practices. Additionally, much rethinking of an important traditional concept, inayan, was done in terms of valuing theatre’s contributions to community perspectives. All these achievements suggest the practical wisdom drawn from the dap-ay elders, called amam-a, who propose solutions to real-life problems, such as mining, as depicted in Balitok. Ultimately, this paper argues that contemporary community theatre-making can serve as a creative reflection of the modern dap-ay, moving beyond its traditional location to function as a powerful tool for transferring indigenous knowledge and reimagining the relationship between culture, environment, and performance while encouraging sustainable practices and collective engagement in the face of contemporary ecological challenges.
Keywords: Dap-ay, Balitok, indigenous, climate, tradition, local culture, community theatre
The world is experiencing various drastic environmental changes caused by unchecked human activities that significantly impact our lives. The most obvious effect is the climate crisis, which has intensified hot days and extended hot seasons for longer periods, a phenomenon called global warming. These issues have ironically been the most widely discussed yet the most criminally overlooked. Add to that the irony that we see their upfront documentation – photos and videos – visual proof of their actual occurrences in virtually all forms of media, such as social networking sites, television shows, newspaper articles, and radio programs. In the theatre, anyone could be led to believe many plays openly discuss such an inconvenient topic just by its visibility in seemingly all parts of life, from strawless options to complicated waste segregation. However, serious mentions of the climate emergency are often presented as hard facts or scientific data, which are inaccessible and unappealing to the majority of potential environmental abusers.
One of these factual reports is the 2024 State of the Global Climate report from the World Meteorological Organization (WMO), which highlighted significant and potentially irreversible effects of human-induced climate change, along with substantial economic and social disruptions due to extreme weather conditions. These negative impacts are felt in many countries worldwide, but increasingly so in the Philippines. For instance, in 2024, the Philippines experienced the most extreme heat index, resulting in the cancellation of classes and disruptions to work. According to Iggini and Robinson in their article, published online, 2023 was the hottest recorded year in Philippine modern history, with global temperatures reaching 1.6 degrees Celsius above pre-industrial levels. This increase led to more frequent and severe heatwaves, droughts, and floods. Thus, forest fires have been reported more frequently in the Cordilleran region in recent years as a result of these regular heatwaves. Just a few months ago, for example, the Bontoc Ili, one of the barangays of the municipality of Bontoc in Mountain Province, declared a tengaw (lockdown) due to forest fires, and it was even reported that no one was allowed to enter in this aforementioned community.
Historically, theatre has been recognized as a vital and relevant art form, possessing the power to influence and educate people. Bruce McConachie argues that theatre can tell current and relevant stories that matter (quoted in Varney, “Caught in the Anthropocene” 15). This means that theatre can be utilized to stage these climate crises and environmental issues we are facing right now, and I am convinced that these matters should be discussed through theatre. If it is hard for scientists explaining the realities of the climate emergency to get through to lay people with their numbers, charts, and other data, perhaps theatre could take over and make such a complex and overwhelming matter bite-sized or digestible for them through compelling storytelling.
There is hope that, while interventions for reversing climate change are not as widespread as desired, an increasing number of artists are abandoning their old, impractical methods to adopt more environmentally friendly approaches to producing art. With theatre being the convergence of all art forms, it could then easily be the most wasteful; however, its layer of advocacy guarantees more open-minded practitioners. What is even more significant is that with a powerful piece, advocacy could be more than just a show; it could be a necessary change.
Meanwhile, the mining industry is also a significant contributor to various environmental concerns, including the loss of biodiversity, at least in the context of the Philippines. While mining provides essential raw materials needed in our everyday life, in areas such as construction, electronics, and energy, it also poses significant environmental risks. Globally, it has had a substantial impact on environmental degradation, including deforestation, soil erosion, and, most notably, water and land pollution due to the toxic chemicals used in mineral extraction. The latter is the silent danger among settlers near mining sites.
Moreover, many indigenous communities are also suffering because of mining. According to Brawner Baguilat, an Indigenous community leader from the Cordillera region, indigenous communities are among the most marginalized and vulnerable groups in society who experience displacement from their ancestral lands as a result of extensive mining, thereby endangering their means of living and their cultural lifeways. In the Cordillera Administrative Region (CAR), home to many indigenous communities, the Mining and Geosciences Bureau has documented the presence of four large-scale mining companies: Philex Mining Company, Lepanto Consolidated Mining Company, Benguet Corporation, and Itogon-Suyoc Resources Incorporated. Additionally, there are two actively operating Small-Scale Mining Companies (SSMCs) among the eight recognized SSMCs and 13 registered Minahang Bayan, a government initiative aimed at promoting responsible small-scale mining.
Non-government organizations (NGO) like the Cordillera Peoples Alliance (CPA), Alyansa Tigil Mina (ATM), and Dap-ayan ti Kultura ti Kordilyera (DKK) join the Cordilleran communities in opposing the excessive and sometimes illegal mining activities of these big companies. Common strategies include staging of demonstrations and organizing rallies to express their grievances about the negative impact of excessive mining not only on their ancestral lands but also on their cultural lifeways. For instance, the CPA utilizes colorful and equally powerful paintings that depict the way of life of the people and their calls to collective and positive action. Part of their program during these demonstrations includes playing gangsa (handheld gongs), cultural dances, and gantsilyo (crocheting), hoping their songs and music reach the oppressors.
Performing as allies, several theatre makers in the Philippine capital of Manila have also been active in presenting these issues on stage. For instance, Ang Bundok, a contemporary sarsuwela by Amelia Lapena-Bonifacio, was staged in 1976 and tells the struggles of indigenous communities in the Cordilleras as they safeguard their mine-rich lands from foreigners seeking gold (Fernandez, “Contemporary Philippines Theatre” 23).[1]
Another play is Mary Carling and Judy Cariño’s Panagsubli, which was also published in Apolonio Chua’s edited volume Unang Tagpo. In its introduction to the play, Flor Caagusan, an environmental activist, notes that the performers adopted the concept of dap-ay, a political institution among some ethnolinguistic groups in the Cordilleras, where male members gather for meetings and discussions, and rituals are performed (12). Traditional songs, dances, chants, and attire were also used in the performance, showcasing the Cordilleran identity.
The dap-ay is a circular stone-paved structure traditionally used as a political system and a venue for rituals and community gatherings in various communities within CAR. My fascination with the dap-ay led me to believe that it is an essential model for the Cordilleran communities in their dramaturgy of socially engaged performance. In this paper, I examine how the dap-ay is employed as a dramaturgical strategy by the Cordilleran people, particularly members of the Aaanak di Kabiligan Community Theatre, in staging socially engaged theatre through eco-theatre within the context of their epistemological worldview, known in cultural studies as the Indigenous Knowledge System. In doing so, I examine how it functions as a performative model in the docu-theatre production Balitok: Voices from the Mines (hereafter referred to as Balitok), which aims to promote environmental awareness. Ultimately, I contend that the dap-ay, as a symbol of indigenous environmental stewardship and collective memory, is deeply integrated with the collaborative process of theatre-making in Balitok, thereby maintaining the transactional relationship between wise elders and their community.
Dap-ay serves as a venue for storytelling, discussions, and decision-making, offering a framework to tackle environmental and social concerns. Through the dap-ay motif, the community theatre group draws wisdom from research, interviews, and immersion within the community. Activities involved in producing Balitok incorporate indigenous traditions while fostering a shared, embodied understanding of the environment, showcasing stories of mining communities that contrast traditional and commercial mining methods. These accomplishments reflect the practical wisdom of the dap-ay elders, known as amam-a, who suggest solutions to issues such as mining, as illustrated in Balitok.
Ultimately, this paper contends that modern community theatre can act as a creative mirror of the contemporary dap-ay, extending beyond its traditional setting to become a powerful means of transmitting indigenous knowledge and reimagining the relationship between culture, environment, and performance, while encouraging sustainable actions and collective participation in addressing ecological challenges.
The Political Advocacy of the Cordillera Green Network and the Aanak di Kabiligan Community Theatre
As a non-government and non-profit organization (NGO), the Cordillera Green Network (CGN) has been committed to environmental advocacy and education in the Cordillera Region since 2001. Since then, it has employed community theatre as a distinctive approach to raise awareness about ecological issues while preserving Indigenous Knowledge. In 2007, during the Cordillera Youth Eco Summit in Baguio City, CGN launched Aanak di Kabiligan (Children of the Mountains) Community Theatre (ADKCT), a youth theatre group that engaged local students from various provinces of the Cordillera region (Abra, Apayao, Benguet, Ifugao, Kalinga, and Mountain Province) in performances celebrating traditional environmental stewardship.
As a member of ADKCT, I have observed that CGN’s initiatives to address pervasive ecological problems bear a striking resemblance to the activities that take place in the traditional dap-ay. Typically spanning five to seven days, these NGO projects are structured to foster both artistic development and environmental awareness among participants. The initial three days are devoted to theatre workshops designed to enhance vocal expression, acting techniques, and bodily movements, all while incorporating current environmental issues as the foundation for the participants’ tableaus, skits, and storytelling exercises. The combination of training technical skills and campaigning relevant solutions to environmental concerns makes the CGN projects more productive and engaging.
Immersive experiences are integral to the workshop process and typically involve an exploration of the local environment where the workshop is conducted. For instance, during the 2012 workshop in Sagada, Mt. Province, the participants engaged in a guided tour of the area’s tourist attractions. During the tour, the guide recounted a folktale which explained the unique red coloration of Sagada’s rocks; this folktale was later featured as one of the narratives performed during our culminating activity. Additionally, participants were encouraged to interact with community members during their free time; such interaction was considered a crucial component of deeply understanding the local environmental conditions and cultural context. Thus, community participation, extremely important in discussions at the dap-ay, is also highly valued in CGN projects. As a result, all discussions of local issues convey a sense of relevance and urgency, particularly for the hosting community.
Following the initial workshops, participants worked through more intensive improvisation exercises during which they shared observations regarding various environmental challenges encountered in their own communities, fostering discussions on potential solutions. While many environmental problems share generic root causes or an underlying evil, the development of effective and practical solutions typically requires a more nuanced understanding of local issues. Since participants in CGN projects can come from different sites of environmental peril and destruction, they often reach more detailed understandings and consequently better outcomes when they discuss particular problems in group settings. What makes the dap-ay approach so remarkable is that multiple voices are heard in the process of analyzing the community’s issues. The final day culminates in a performance before an audience that is comprised primarily of residents.
This format has become a hallmark of CGN’s approach, whereby participants automatically become members of the ADKCT. They are subsequently invited to engage in additional environmental projects, such as the Balitok initiative, which spanned two years. This structured yet dynamic process not only enhances participants’ theatrical skills but also helps them gain a deeper understanding of environmental issues, motivating them to advocate for environmental stewardship. While technical skills in the theatre are less prioritized in the dap-ay performances, their underlying environmental problems are more critical as they are dealing with their own lived experiences with real-life consequences.
In 2016, CGN shifted its focus more towards mining in its environmental theatre projects. The project lasted for 13 days, from August 2-14. Under the guidance of Setsu Hanasaki and Toshihisa Yoshida, socially engaged theatre practitioners from Japan, the participants conducted field research in small-scale mining communities across Benguet and Mt. Province. In their field work, the participants interviewed miners and their families, explored underground tunnels, and studied the harmful effects of mining chemicals on water sources and soil. These interviews were transcribed and devised as monologues, forming the backbone of a documentary theatre performance.
Balitok was first performed at the Holy Rosary High School in Kayan East, Tadian, Mt. Province. The play was performed twice, once for students and faculty, and a second time for the broader community. Using the forum theatre format, audience members were encouraged to share their views on the benefits and consequences of mining, creating a space for communal reflection and dialogue at the end of the two performances.
In 2017, the project expanded with support from the Japan Foundation Asia Center’s Grant for Cultural Collaboration, enabling youth from the Philippines and Indonesia to participate in cross-cultural workshops and performances. That year, the project lasted nearly a month, from July 17 to August 9. Before traveling to Aceh, Indonesia, the Cordilleran youth attended more intensive theatre workshops, further refining Balitok while focusing on the Acehnese audience. The revised staging of the play was complete before it was performed in Baguio City, Manila, and then later in Aceh, Indonesia (Figure 1). While in Aceh, the team members participated in a series of workshops and field visits to an open-pit mining community alongside Acehnese youth, during which they conducted interviews with them.
In Aceh, Balitok was structured in two segments. The first segment comprises a series of narratives derived from interviews conducted with a diverse range of participants, including mothers, miners, researchers, and filmmakers. This approach emphasizes the diverse experiences and perspectives within the mining community. The second segment employs forum theatre techniques, such as the use of jokers to engage with the audience and the inclusion of audience members as performers, drawing from the documentary film Agbalbalitok (Miner), which elucidates the life of a miner and the many challenges his family confronts while residing in a mining camp. The documentary film highlights in particular the adverse effects of their living conditions on the health of their first child. This was the story that was used as the anti-model in the forum theatre.[2] During the performance creation process, I observed that the concept of dap-ay was integrated from pre-production to post-production as participants completed a series of workshops, lectures, and fieldwork.
This circular stone-paved structure with a hearth at the center called dap-ay is where young boys, unmarried men, widowers, and elders or amam-a go to sleep. In earlier times, dap-ay was also the place where a male visitor from a different ili would be housed. Traditionally, women are not allowed to enter the dap-ay, but there’s a specific area called lawag where they can stand or sit to participate in community affairs. In his essay in the Research Journal, Bernard Padang explains that the lawag has no restrictions, as it is where the playing of gangsa, dancing, merry-making, and playing games takes place (319). Moreover, the dap-ay has several functions in the ili, ranging from political, social, economic, educational, and religious affairs.
As an educational institution, the dap-ay is a place where young boys discover their roles within the ili. In “Ritual Life of the Igorots of Sagada,” Eggan and Scott note that dap-ay serves as a school where boys are trained to participate in village activities, which they observe when they go there to sleep under the tutelage of the old men. Since the dap-ay is also a place where storytelling is practiced, Scott points out that various teachings are embedded in folklore, which serve to remind parents of their responsibilities toward their children, lessons that the children ultimately learn from their parents as well (“Boyhood in Sagada” 63). Similarly, in Tradition and Transformation, Prill-Brett writes:
They are trained to respect the wisdom of elders who teach them about the history of the village, about old enemies and friendly villages, customary law, respect for the supernatural forces that “own” natural resources, etiquette and proper behavior toward enemies, strangers and friends, and responsibilities as defenders of the village. In the ator, boys are also taught about cooperation, and the performance of chosen chores such as providing firewood for the fireplace and serving messengers to announce village rest days and public gatherings. The older men teach the boys skills directly applicable to their economic activities. The ator, as a center for political activities such as mobilization for war (in the past), and forging of peace treaties with other villages, is the “school” where young boys learn their lessons in local politics and diplomacy (192).
These definitions of dap-ay or ato are observed throughout the entire production process, as will be discussed later. As the source of materials for theatre workshops and projects by several NGOs are drawn primarily from community members and secondarily from supplementary library or online research, the dap–ay harnesses the indigenous knowledge and wisdom of leaders and elders in the community. These insights underscore the importance of engaging the community in projects that affect them, their surroundings, experiences, and culture.
In 2016, Balitok had its first staging, which was preceded by a bonfire session held in the front yard of the CGN office located in Gibraltar, Baguio City (Figure 2). This event brought together former participants of CGN’s theatre workshops over the years, who are also esteemed senior members of the Aanak di Kabiligan Community Theatre. CGN’s goal was to engage in fellowship with the current year’s participants. During this gathering, the senior members shared their narratives and experiences, providing valuable insights to the newcomers. Furthermore, several senior members and participants showcased songs and dances that reflect their community’s cultural heritage.
The Dap-ay as a Theatrical and Performance Model
This interaction can be conceptualized as a contemporary reimagining of the traditional dap-ay as a communal space for learning and cultural exchange. In this context, the new participants may be likened to children going to the dap-ay to acquire the wisdom of their predecessors. At the same time, the senior members serve as the older men or elders imparting knowledge and guidance. Although a physical structure symbolizing the dap-ay may be absent, the principles of knowledge transfer and communal responsibility are vividly manifested in this exchange. What establishes the connection between the dap-ay and the CGN workshops in this case is the people and their dynamics as providers and recipients of indigenous knowledge.
Another aspect of the entire production process was that the participants were also housed together, with all males in one dormitory-style room and females in another. Since they all live together in one place, they are also responsible for household chores such as cooking, cleaning, and washing dishes. This arrangement once again parallels dap-ay, as it also serves as a sleeping quarter for men, where children are given tasks and responsibilities, such as gathering firewood for the bonfires to keep them warm. Though dap-ay is only for men, there are also sleeping quarters for young girls, unmarried women and widows, called ebgan among the Kankana-ey people, ulog or olog for central Bontoc, and pangis for northern Bontoc. Prill-Brett describes it as a place where courtship takes place, with bachelors playing nose flutes and jaw harps, teasing the girls and singing spontaneous love songs, and where ogfu is arranged (509).
Ogfu or og-ogbo is an act of volunteerism and cooperation that is observed on various occasions, like rice harvest season. The principles of volunteerism and collaboration can be mirrored in the systematic delegation of tasks and responsibilities among the project participants. What is retained in the mirroring of the dap-ay in the sleeping arrangement during the NGO workshops is the necessity for segregation based on gender. This is important in the Cordilleran culture because, traditionally, children develop their gender-based responsibilities and traits separately following this setup. Furthermore, the dap-ay is where the concept of inayan, a cultural worldview emphasizing sensitivity in one’s actions, is passed down to the younger generation. For instance, when elders tell the youth that urinating in the spring is inayan, it means that such behavior is inappropriate and could lead to negative consequences, not only for the individual but also for the community as a whole.
The participants were also engaged in immersive experiences within mining communities, visiting mining sites in Benguet and Mt. Province to gain insights from miners, community leaders, and individuals who transitioned from mining to organic farming (Figure 3). They also had the opportunity to enter mining tunnels, thereby deepening their understanding of the inherent risks and emotional narratives shared by the interviewees. Additionally, a demonstration of traditional gold extraction methods was provided, during which miners stated that their practices, which do not involve chemical use, are environmentally sustainable. However, they noted that this method is more time-consuming and yields a lower income due to the limited amount of gold extracted, in contrast to the more profitable, chemical-intensive commercial processes.
This experiential learning aligns with the approach in the dap-ay, where young boys are similarly exposed to real-life situations to impart valuable lessons. What acts as a duplication of the kind of knowledge transference present in the dap-ay and the CGN workshops is in the valuing of actual, apparent, and experienced acquisition of ideas, techniques, and data. The dap-ay is respected as a space where wisdom abounds, and that kind of wisdom would benefit the community more if issues were faced, challenges encountered, and solutions executed by the elders themselves first-hand.
The participants’ bodily movements and immersion in environments such as mining tunnels, shanties, and interactions within the mining community significantly shaped their understanding of environmental issues through lived and sensory experiences. Moving through the tunnels allowed for physical engagement with the constraints, risks, and conditions inherent to mining, thereby fostering an embodied awareness of ecological vulnerability (Figure 4). This, in turn, enriched their stage performance, making it more informed and reflective of reality. As a result, the performance became a collective effort, with gestures that translate these experiences into shared meanings. This enabled participants to connect with environmental concerns not only intellectually but also emotionally, whether personally, interpersonally, or socially, ranging from intra-community to inter-community levels. Consequently, this approach fosters a deeply felt understanding of environmental issues that goes beyond words by emphasizing the seriousness of man’s environmental impact with a lasting sense of urgency.
Furthermore, a deeper understanding of the issues emerges from being in the space of the dap-ay, which can be translated here as the rehearsal areas during production meetings, the site visits during conversations with miners and elders, and the stage during the actual performance of the documentary theatre. The insights about abusive mining as a danger to Mother Nature become more significant in these spaces, which I compared to the dap-ay, where I have encountered the sacred connections of humans and gods, or even ancestral spirits, who guide the discussions to reach a just decision or action regarding any environmental issue. Just as this is true for the dap-ay, the same qualities of courage, sincerity, and assertiveness can be found in the spaces involved in creating the documentary theatre.
Regarding the value of knowledge gained through experience, participants of the dap-ay would commonly have these enriching moments during bonfire sessions, where children and young adults learn about their history and valuable stories about their ili. It can also be likened to the component of the production process, wherein mining researchers, filmmakers, and elders were invited to share their knowledge and experiences in one building. RJ Fernandez, a photographer and mining researcher, shares her research on small-scale mining in Benguet, arguing that it has a minimal negative impact on the environment compared to large-scale mining, as indigenous wisdom is practiced by indigenous communities in their mining activities. She explains that small-scale mining benefits the community, as most of the profit goes directly to the miners, who are undertaking the most dangerous and challenging jobs. The approximation of similarities in this regard is highlighted by the need to gather around people in one venue for the sharing of wisdom, with or without a bonfire.
Elders from Palina, Kibungan, Benguet, such as Oswaldo Panggayan, Jose Gallano, and Edwin Nitron, were invited to discuss their successful efforts in resisting the encroachment of a mining corporation on their ancestral lands. Initially lured by misleading promises of economic prosperity, the community soon recognized the adverse effects of mining activities, such as contamination of water sources and a decline in agricultural productivity. They also shared that despite facing legal challenges, bribery attempts, and threats to their safety, using military force, the community has shown remarkable resilience and bravery (Figure 5). For instance, the pivotal role of women was highlighted, as they courageously used their umbrellas to obstruct bulldozers attempting to enter their community. Partnering with environmental non-governmental organizations, the community has engaged in both legal and grassroots advocacy, culminating in the enactment of legislation that declared Kibungan a non-mining municipality. Participants were informed about parallel aspects of their issues and those of the visiting elders. They were given material to work with in the decision-making process of their workshop.
The communal decision-making process described here mirrors traditional practices observed in the dap-ay, particularly in contexts where the community collectively engages in dialogue to identify viable solutions. Lee Law-ed, a member of Ato Maferfer in Fatayan, Bontoc Ili, Bontoc, elaborates on how elders and community members gather at the ato for an open discussion of pressing issues. Each participant is encouraged to share their perspectives, and suggestions from younger members have occasionally been implemented. Pio Wangwang, another elder from Ato Maferfer, recounts instances where the younger members’ proposals were adopted, and when these proposals were not effective, the elders intervened.
The familiar component in this scenario is the need for concrete courses of action, or a tangible and feasible work plan to be undertaken beyond the initial exchange of ideas and consultation with community wisdom. The narratives presented in Balitok were constructed using the methodology of documentary theatre, where dialogues were derived from data collected in a series of interviews (Figure 6).
Carol Martin observes that documentary theatre is “created from a specific body of archived material: interviews, documents, hearings, records, video, film, photographs, etc.” (“Bodies of Evidence” 9). In the context of the play material, the participants’ notes were utilized, supplemented by video recordings made during the interviews. Consequently, I found that my experience during the production was akin to simultaneously listening to the interviews while observing the performance. It was as though the interviewees themselves, locals, leaders, artists, and experts alike were talking to me, and my thoughts while watching were solutions to their problems, arguments to their concerns, or suggestions to their plans. And I was looking forward to that feeling, along with the rest of the audience who were watching.
Balitok’s opening song, “Ili mi ay Kaigorotan,” loosely translated as “My Home Cordillera,” vividly depicts the rich and diverse characteristics of the region. It portrays a landscape teeming with life abundant in trees, minerals, and wildlife. This song serves a purpose like a dap-ay, a traditional gathering place used to engage and entertain guests. Through this song, the audience is not only welcomed into the community of the Cordillerans but also invited to visualize the natural beauty of the Cordillera region prior to the harmful impact of various destructive activities. Moreover, the song underscores the deep-rooted connection of the Cordilleran people to their land and environment, emphasizing the profound significance of their natural surroundings in shaping their cultural identity.
One of the notable features of Balitok is that it does not assign specific actors to each participating resource speaker. So, the sources were never fully represented as characters that merely bear a different name. Their ideas and memories were distributed among the characters according to the needs of the scenes. The moment when the gravity of the words of the elders would bear much weight would be after the scenes when a child who drank spring water straight from its source would get a stomachache, and the same contaminated water would ruin the vegetable patch of one man. Due to such alarming cases, the community members would come together in a meeting to discuss the problem.
I also observed that the concept of dap-ay is unintentionally reflected in the portrayal of this meeting scene, where the people gathered in a semi-circular form strategize on how to halt the mining exploration. During these discussions, dissent was evident, as some advocates argued for the economic benefits of mining. Law-ed, who also participated in the play, noted the parallels between the theatrical representation and actual meetings at the ato, where disagreements frequently arise. Nevertheless, he emphasized that a collective understanding often emerges, leading to compromises when community members recognize that the ultimate decisions serve the greater good. This was reflected in the play when all the community members agreed to fight against the mining corporation.
This unintentional reflection of the dap-ay in the semi-circular gathering points highlights how cultural forms often emerge naturally in communal settings, such as theatrical performances, even outside their original context. The fact that the staging assumed a dap-ay-like formation suggests that the dap-ay is not only a physical space but also an ingrained cultural rhythm of dialogue and collective presence (Figure 7). Based on my experience, this unintentional mirroring causes the dap-ay to function as a performative model, demonstrating that the logic of gathering, listening, and exchanging in a circular formation is deeply embedded in Cordilleran social practice. Therefore, even without consciously invoking it, participants reproduced a cultural form that structures collective decision-making and performance.
Beyond the narrative of the play, the dap-ay is also alluded to in terms of the relationship between the performers and the audience members or participants. As the play progresses, the points of the characters that depict the rich experiences of the resource speakers could either align or misalign with the participants’ thoughts/opinions. Those experiencing the play would have their personal viewpoints about mining and could, in one instance, nod in agreement or subtly shake their heads in disapproval a split second after. A more exciting possibility would have been if members of the mining company had actually gone to watch. It would not have been unthinkable, given that some of the cast members’ parents or relatives actually worked for mining companies. An ensuing debate would have made the play much closer to reality than it already attempted to be, with documentary theatre being its staging technique. This debate might as well have taken place at the staging of Balitok in Makati in 2017, where the headquarters of the Lepanto mining company is located.
Judging from how Balitok and the dap-ay sessions both borrow from prior, informed personal experiences, recollection as a key component in the dap-ay and CGN workshops emerges as an analytical point. Both dap-ay sessions and the narrative of the play necessitated moments of steady recollection to gain the line of arguments for the meeting, and the script for the play, respectively. Gathering of memories is key in both performance structures being critiqued where factual stories of misfortunes are invoked. This heavily favors the artistic design of the play, as docu-theatre relies on the exposure of facts in the storytelling.
Another significant part of the play where the dap-ay resonates with the narrative is when storytelling is integrated into one scene (Figure 8). This inclusion of folktales was already a necessary ingredient in the workshops, as participants were instructed to collect folktales and folk songs as part of their assignment. They, too, engaged in workshop sessions where they shared folk songs. Two folktales about gold were narrated in the play. The first was “The Legend of Gold,”which illustrates how gold was discovered in one of the communities of the Cordilleras. The second folktale was “Doligen and the Golden Plate,” which narrates how greed could lead a person to harm.
With the inclusion of these folktales in the play, dap-ay was again referred to. In a conversation with William Todcor, an elder and member of one of the atos in Maligcong, a barangay in Bontoc, Mt. Province, he explains that storytelling within the ato is traditionally conducted at night. This practice occurs when elders retreat to the ato to rest. Todcor reflected on his childhood experiences, noting that listening to narratives from the elders during these evening gatherings served as an essential means of imparting morals to the younger generation. Consequently, the two folktales presented in the theatrical production emphasize a critical message regarding the perils of greed, serving as a moral reminder to both the performers and the audience.
Unlike the idea that dap-ay is a performance model for the CGN workshops, sharing folktales is a moment of returning to childhood, where the world feels pure, whole, and abundant. Songs about gold, plentiful harvests, or catching fish teach children to value Mother Earth for her resources and to care for her to keep receiving her blessings. Everyone, from children to elders, is drawn back to these joyful memories of innocence, from which the workshop ironically and intentionally extracts the participants. However, that’s where the workshop and dap-ay meet as performances focused on environmental stewardship, and we need these peaceful moments of reconnecting with our inner child as we face more harsh realities as adults. After all, the theatre creates a space where we can suspend not only our disbelief, but also our anxiety over a range of contemporary problems in the world.
Additionally, theatre creates a space where participants and audience members engage imaginatively and offer generously critical reflections, envisioning alternative futures and strategies for collective action (Figure 9). Thus, the intention of the play is to foster proactive dialogue, allowing both participants and the audience to reflect on concrete strategies they can initiate individually or as collectively. Based on my experiences as a participant of CGN’s workshops and now an advocate for environmental awareness, I believe that performances like Balitok often have the potential to inspire the audience and give them the courage to act with renewed energy to participate in hands-on activities like clean-up drives, tree planting, or simply joining seminars tackling the environmental issues. Perhaps some students, who were the major audience members during the productions, would also be inspired to join community theatre groups like ADKCT and help promote environmental awareness through theatre.
Conclusion: Theatre as Inayan
Indeed, theatre serves as a vital platform for local communities by creating a participatory space for storytelling and activism. It is where we see practices that should not be followed and ideas that should not be considered; thus, it can be a manifestation of inayan. By dramatizing pressing environmental issues, theatre fosters empathy and drives collective action. Through the play, theatre not only raises awareness about ecological challenges but also empowers local communities to advocate for environmental protection and oppose projects that harm their environment. Theatre, as a larger-than-life experience, can definitely impress upon viewers of Balitok the consequences of unregulated mining. This awareness is encapsulated in the concept of inayan, which I will elaborate on below. Applied theatre further boosts this engagement by involving community members in the creative process, thereby strengthening connections to environmental advocacy efforts.
Additionally, the audience’s direct participation in the forum theatre brought in different perspectives on the impacts of mining that were not mentioned in the other performances. For example, in the 2017 staging of Balitok at TIU Theatre in Makati City, an audience member played the role of the mother, highlighting the generational effects of mining. She made her husband consider what happened to his late father, suggesting he might face the same tragic fate, which could also befall their child. During the 2016 staging in Kayan, Tadian, Mt. Province, another audience member, who also played the mother, suggested that driving could be a new source of income for the father, since he had a driver’s license. She argued that even though his income might be low, driving was safer and would help her worry less when he went out to work. With these exchanges, the production successfully encouraged dialogue, as participants and audience members shared different viewpoints during the forum theatre.
As previously discussed in this paper, the concept of dap-ay is present in every environmental theatre project of CGN. Therefore, I argue that the entire process of Balitok reflects the principles of dap-ay, which include the transmission of indigenous knowledge and serve as a platform for both entertainment and critical discussion. Moreover, the goals of Balitok extend beyond theatrical performance, aiming to promote meaningful dialogue. Its primary goal is to empower participants to become agents of change by involving them from the start of the workshop through to the forum theatre during the performances. This type of involvement not only enables them to initiate conversations upon returning to their communities but also inspires them to lead projects they deem necessary to address urgent issues in their areas.
Furthermore, theatre, especially when rooted in IKSPs, acts as a powerful tool for environmental education. In CAR, community-based theatre performances like Balitok demonstrate how traditional values — specifically the principle of inayan—serve as an ethical guideline, emphasizing careful consideration before taking action. On a personal level, inayan was a concept my parents often reminded me of whenever my siblings and I were about to engage in behavior considered inappropriate. Therefore, hearing about inayan prompts a moment of reflection, as it reminds us of the potential consequences not only for ourselves but also for our family and community.
In the 2016 staging of Balitok, as an example of the significance of inayan in community formation and guidance, the play concluded with a powerful song, highlighting the very concept. The song is a heartfelt prayer to the Almighty, asking for enlightenment to inspire people to protect the environment, especially the land, mountains, and rivers. It expresses deep sorrow for the destruction of nature and stresses the effects of neglect, including the loss of natural resources. The future of the next generation is at risk because they will have nothing to inherit.
Inayan also embodies a shared responsibility for stewardship, emphasizing intergenerational duty. The part about children crying because they have nothing to inherit highlights inayan as a principle that calls for accountability to future generations. Indigenous communities often focus on continuity and the duty to guard what is sacred. Therefore, the call to protect and care for land and water is a collective effort, not an individual one. This communal perspective aligns with inayan, which reiterates obligations not only to nature but also to community harmony and ancestral duties.
Furthermore, I am convinced that blending the dap-ay as a traditional model of exchanging ideas with contemporary theatre formats that explore, investigate, and expand existing forms results in the Balitok as an adaptation of the dap-ay procedures and decorum, creating a distinctly powerful performance. While the dap-ay emphasizes communal rhythm, oral tradition, and the inheritance of indigenous values such as inayan and og-ogbo, modern theatrical techniques can serve as a tool for broader accessibility to diverse audiences and enhance its relevance in current times. This fusion allows audiences to experience the rootedness of IKSPs alongside the energy of modern theatre, resulting in a performance that is both culturally meaningful and socially urgent. In my view, the interaction of traditional and contemporary elements transforms theatre into a space that honors ancestral wisdom while advocating for present-day issues. Thus, this paradoxical combination exemplifies the potential of contemporary theatre-making as a modern expression of dap-ay, fostering collective consciousness about ecological stewardship.
Remarkably, indigenous youth have become active agents in this process. Despite the pressures of academic and professional life, many young members of theatre groups like ADKCT stay engaged in cultural performance and community organizing. Their dedication to blending artistic expression with ecological advocacy reflects a hopeful and transformative generational continuity. These youth-led initiatives serve not only as artistic expressions but also as declarations of identity, resistance, and responsibility to the environment and their communities. Their active involvement emphasizes the importance of community-driven efforts and highlights how grassroots movements can bring about meaningful environmental change.
Endnotes
[1] Sarsuwela is a traditional Philippine theatre form based on the Zarzuela, which was introduced to the Philippines during the Spanish colonization era. It features songs, dances, and dialogues that typically portray social issues, which “served as seditious breeder and the past” and performing a concept of the nation on stage (Tiatco and Ramolete, “Performing the Nation Onstage” 329).
[2] In forum theatre, as developed by Augusto Boal, the anti-model refers to the initial scene or story that depicts a situation of conflict without a resolution which will be performed twice to the audience. In the first round, audience members will only observe, and in the second round, they are encouraged to intervene and participate, enabling them to propose alternative actions and solutions on stage.
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*Roger Federico is a community theatre practitioner who teaches at the Department of Speech Communication and Theatre Arts at the University of the Philippines Diliman. He has been affiliated for several years with the Cordillera Green Network, a non-governmental organization based in the Cordilleras. He has participated in various theatre projects aimed at promoting environmental awareness and has traveled throughout the Cordillera region, conducting ecological theatre workshops for teachers and students. He has also directed and performed in several community theatre productions that showcase local culture and stories related to the environment. In 2017, he represented his community theatre at the Theatre for Young Audiences Program in Okinawa, Japan. Additionally, he was a visiting scholar at Flinders University in South Australia in 2020. His research interests include rituals, festivals, cultural performances, oral traditions, and Indigenous Knowledge, Systems, and Practices (IKSP) among ethnolinguistic groups in the Cordillera Administrative Region. As an indigenous person, Roger advocates for the preservation of culture and the environment through the arts, specifically theatre.
Copyright © 2025 Roger Federico
Critical Stages/Scènes critiques, #32, December 2025
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