Theatricality of Medicine Hucksters: A “Road Map” Towards Modern Performing Arts and the Preservation of Local Culture

Kurniasih Zaitun. Eko Supriyanto, Yusril

Kurniasih Zaitun*, Eko Supriyanto**, Yusril***

Abstract

This study explores the performance of medicine hucksters who market traditional medicine in the community, both through explanatory qualitative approaches and theatrical ethnography. This study analyzes data through observation, recording, archiving, interviews and related literature. The results of the analysis show that the theatricality of medicine hucksters integrates four main elements: (1) the location (stall) of trading medicine as a performance stage that encourages participatory interaction; (2) the dramatic plot in the theatricality of traveling medicine traders; (3) the narrative of health and Minangkabau philosophy function as a dramatic narrative; (4) traders as expressive and interesting actors; and (5) medical huckster properties as supporting tools to convince the audience. This study shows that medical huckster performances can be used as research objects, media and vehicles for practical acting studies and inspiration for the creation of alternative theatre arts for the performing arts community.

Keywords: theatricality, medical hucksters, performing arts, theatre acting, persuasive communication

Introduction

The theatricality of medicine huckster activities in public spaces such as markets, terminals and city squares, is a unique and interesting form of cultural practice. They not only trade in medicinal products but also present a performance that combines elements of theatricality. This activity shows that the boundaries between buying and selling and performing arts are melting and disappearing. Medicine hucksters transform into actors who play the roles of healers, storytellers and even spiritual leaders in front of an “audience” who are also potential buyers.

In the context of theatricality and performativity, medicine hucksters in their trading activities often demonstrate acting, both verbally and nonverbally, with the main aim of arousing self-confidence and also to attract the attention of the audience, so that they become interested. When trading their own medicines, drug dealers not only sell products but also perform attractions, convey narratives with dynamic orations and act (Niaga).

Medicine hucksters captivate the attention of visitors through dramatic, repetitive speech styles, strong intonation and clear articulation. Their theatricality is also evident from their attractions, gestures, facial expressions and stunning visual expressions that make the audience comfortable listening and interested in buying their merchandise (Agnew). Direct interaction between drug dealers and the audience is an important element in the activities of medicine hucksters. Persuasive communication (Novrianti Hasri, Evie Ariadne, Shinta Dewi) can influence the audience’s decisions while also fostering trust that the drugs offered are very appropriate for solving the health problems they face (Fujianti).

The theatricality of medicine hucksters has been the object of previous researchers, including research on medicine hucksters with activities as shamans and healers who wear costumes and sell medicines that are not from qualified medicine personnel (Katritzky). Other studies emphasize the relationship between local wisdom, language in oral literature and medicinal plants that can synergize to cure various diseases, as a response to the potential extinction of ethnomedical practices (Roekhan et al.). Although it has various forms, this practice combines performing arts, promotion of traditional medicine and persuasive communication. Not only is it mere entertainment, it is also a means of education, cultural preservation and strengthening social relations. This phenomenon shows that Asian folk art remains alive, adaptive and connects traditional values and modern needs.

There are also other studies that show that medicine hucksters are not only developing in Indonesia, but also in various Asian countries such as Thailand, China and Korea, with their own unique forms of performance. In Indonesia, their traces have been there since the Dutch colonial era (Misbah). In Thailand (Dusanee Suwankhong), medicine hucksters are known as mor pheun baan or traditional healers. A similar phenomenon exists in southern China through yaogao xianshi, which combines Kung Fu, acrobatics and healing narratives (Lei). In Korea (Hoi-Eun Kim), during the Japanese occupation (1910–1945), oichini appeared, “traveling pharmacists” who played the accordion before selling medicine.

This research focuses on three main questions: 1) Where are medicine huckster performances performed? 2) What narratives do they usually construct in each performance? and 3) Who are they and how are they involved in the process of medicine huckster work? The answers to these questions provide a deep understanding of the continued existence of medicine hucksters in the modern theatre landscape that develops in urban and suburban cultures.

Medicine hucksters can be categorized as theatrical actors for two main reasons. First, they use costumes, accessories and acting skills, complemented by strong vocals to attract the attention of the audience. Second, their acts often include attractions such as invulnerability (debus), Minangkabau traditional martial arts movements (silat and randai), magic and acrobatics, wrapped in a health narrative and claims of medicinal properties. Medicine huckster performances are interactive—involving the audience directly—and often encourage the purchase of products even though the audience initially had no intention of buying. These acts take place in public spaces such as traditional markets, parking lots and city parks, with urban communities as the main audience.

Scope, Methodology and How it Works

This study examines the practice of medicine hucksters in the market of Padang Panjang City, West Sumatra, Indonesia using the method of theatrical ethnography combined with a qualitative explanatory design approach (Creswell). The analysis work focuses on the elements of medicine huckster theatricality using Schechner’s theory (Schechner, Performance Studies: An Introduction): restored behaviour, liminality and the social function of the performance. The main locations of the drug dealers’ activities in this small town include traditional markets, parking lots and city parks.

Data collection from sources and informants consisted of drug dealers (actors as the main sources, assistants and supporting parties) and visitors who were divided into active buyers and passive viewers. In addition, audio recordings, photos, videos and visual archives from the internet were used to complete the analysis, supported by written references to strengthen the argument. This article followed the methodology of Prasetya to analysis the data (Prasetya et al.). The collected data were reduced based on the theme and objectives of the study, then presented in the form of tables, diagrams and direct quotes. Verification was carried out by ensuring internal coherence through relationships between data. Data were also contextualized within a socio-cultural framework to increase validity and produce in-depth interpretations.

Structure and Theatrical Elements of Medicine Hucksters

The medicine huckster’s activities resemble a theatrical performance with a clear structure: opening, conflict, climax and closing. The opening begins by grabbing the audience’s attention through voice, jokes, or rhymes, introducing oneself and establishing a persona as a medical expert. Often a dramatic narrative of healing is used to build emotion and trust. The closing is done with a price promotion and an appeal to buy, often accompanied by testimonials or visual tricks.

(1). Trading Location (Stall) as a Performance Stage

The selection of a trading place (stall) is one of the crucial elements in the implementation of performative drug sales activities. For medicine hucksters, open space is the main choice that is oriented as a performance stage. The meaning of “stage” in this context does not refer to conventional stage forms such as proscenium or arena theatre, but rather as a social space that is flexible and temporary. In this case, the concept of space offered by Lefebvre becomes relevant that space is not a passive entity, but is formed from social practices that take place in it (Lefebvre). Medicine hucksters, with their narratives, properties and attractions, make public space as a produced space—the space that is created and filled with meaning through performative actions.

Fig. 1. Working Place of Medicine Huckster: a place to sell medicine and a stage for its performances at a traditional market in Padang Panjang City. August 21, 2023. Photo: Kurniasih Zaitun

In the open space, medicine hucksters present various properties to support the narrative and create a persuasive atmosphere. The trading place becomes a meeting space between the actors and the audience, as well as a medium for visual and verbal communication. An interview with a medicine huckster (August 21, 2023) revealed that traditional markets, parking lots and city parks are strategic locations because they are in the centre of public traffic and allow for the formation of crowds naturally. Medicine hucksters also consider the potential of space as a stage that can be modified spontaneously, by considering the flow of visitors, visibility and the allure of the attraction (field notes, August 25, 2023).

The stall space also becomes a performance arena where traders arrange, display and demonstrate the various properties they bring. Properties and accessories such as animals, plants, brochures, testimonial photos and medicine bottles, are not only sales tools, but also part of the construction of narrative and identity. The arrangement of visually striking properties makes the stall area a liminal space, borrowing Turner’s term (Asiva Noor Rachmayani), namely the space between which opens up opportunities for transformation of perception and experience for the audience. In this space, negotiations occur between fact and fiction, between economic transactions and entertainment, between healing and performance.

Fig. 2 Theatricality of Medicine Hucksters at the traditional market in Padang Panjang City. (clockwise from left) Nita, Desriyanti, *Datuak* Jhon, Ujang, on August 21, 2023. Photo: Kurniasih Zaitun

Fig. 2 shows the enthusiasm of the gathered community, attracted by the visual power and dramaturgy of the constructed field. In his attraction, the trader not only sells medicine, but also demonstrates how to use it in a theatrical style. For example, when practicing the use of traditional massage oil, he shows a convincing body reaction, accompanied by hyperbolic narratives and visual references from his properties. Thus, the trading place is transformed into a lively performance space, where social interaction, local narratives and marketing strategies blend into one unified performative action.

(2). Dramatic Plot in Medicine Huckster Show

The medicine huckster show features a structured dramatic plot as a reinforcement of the attraction’s appeal. The plot structure used tends to be linear, that is, it takes place chronologically from beginning to end. Each scene is presented sequentially, following the development of events that are deliberately built to support the main narrative on the theme of health. In this context, the medicine huckster plays the role of the main actor who conveys the story through acting, expression, demonstration and a series of other performative attractions.

Dramatic Plot in Medicine Huckster Show

Scene	Time	Activity	Information
Opening	00:00–00:15	Music	Featuring Minang pop music, traditional saluang (traditional flute from Minangkabau) music and talempong (traditional percussion instruments from Minangkabau) as a marker for the start of the show to attract visitors’ attention.
	00.15-00.17	Actor appears (Medicine huckster)	The appearance of the main actor (Medicine huckster), sometimes also featuring supporting actors (assistants).
	00.17-00.22	Showing off properties	The actor, assisted by an assistant, displays boxes, cloth/tarpaulin, plants (roots), animals (if any), weapons (knives, machetes).
	00.22-00.27	Opening narration	The main actor gives an opening greeting, recites proverbs, philosophy and invites the audience to watch his attraction.
	00.27-00.30	Attraction (opening)	The main actors and supporting actors perform the plate dance attraction as an attraction, dramatic plot and dynamic of the performance.
Exposition	00.30-00.40	Health narrative (introduction)	The main actor conveys the health story verbally (vocals, diction, intonation, emotion) and nonverbally (gestures, blocking, movement).
Exposition	00.40-00.45	Showing off properties	The main actors and supporting actors move towards the audience to show off brochures and medicines.
Rising Action	00.45-00.48	Next attraction	The main actors and supporting actors perform silat attractions using sharp weapons.
	00.48-01.00	Health narrative (medicinal properties)	The main actor interacts and dialogues with the audience, regarding diseases, especially diseases that are suitable for the medicine that will be sold.
	01.00-01.15	Next attraction	The main actors and supporting actors perform debus and magic attractions.
	01.15-01.45	Health narrative (treatment experience)	Proving the efficacy of medicine through live attractions and demonstrations.
Climax	01.45-02.05	Next attraction	Inviting visitors as models to prove the efficacy of the medicine.
	02.05-02.25	Health narrative	The main actor tell about the “justification” of the drug based on his personal health experience and the experience of buyers.
	02.25-02.30	Offer and trade of Drugs	The main actor interacts with visitors, offering and selling drugs.
Closing	02.30-02.35	Closing	The main actor delivers his closing greeting with a proverbial rhyme
Closing	02.35-02.45	Music	The music presented is cheerful pop entertainment music. The main actors and supporting actors pack up the properties, brochures and medicines that have been displayed during the attraction and clean up the performance area.

Dramatic Plot Table

The series of scenes in the show form a dynamic that combines entertainment and persuasion. The viewing material used includes music, invulnerability attractions, magic, martial arts, plate dances and demonstrations of drug use. This diversity is designed to maintain the interest and emotional involvement of the audience throughout the show. The dramatic narrative that is built not only provides entertainment but also inserts messages that support the effectiveness of product promotion.

This dramatic structure can be read through the perspective of Schechner’s performance theory (Schechner, Essays on Performance Theory, 1970-1976), especially the concept of performance sequence which includes the opening phase, tension building, climax and resolution. Each phase in the medicine huckster performance plays a role in regulating the rhythm of emotions and audience responses. The presence of a clear dramatic structure allows for the formation of an atmosphere that is conducive to building trust and encouraging consumption actions.

In addition, in the framework of Goffman’s dramaturgy, the medicine huckster effectively utilizes what is called the “front stage” – namely the performance space where individuals organize their appearance to manage impressions in front of others (Goffman). Through the choice of costumes, speaking style, use of properties and direct interaction with the audience, the drug dealer creates a convincing atmosphere, as if appearing in a serious play, but remains communicative and participatory.

Thus, the dramatic plot in the medicine huckster performance does not merely function as a means of storytelling, but also as a structured performative strategy to influence the audience emotionally and cognitively. In this context, performing arts become an effective communication instrument in the informal economic space.

(3). Medicine Huckster Health Narrative and Minangkabau Philosophy

Medicine hucksters in public spaces do not only sell products, but package health narratives through dramatic and local culture-based performance strategies. The findings show that the narratives conveyed combine Minangkabau philosophy, proverbs and non-formal verbal practices as a form of persuasive communication framed theatrically. This activity forms a performance structure that is both functional and ritualistic, reflecting cultural performativity and economic strategy.

In the context of Minangkabau culture, the practice of selling traditional medicine by medicine hucksters is not just an economic activity, but also a social performance rich in symbolism and cultural expression. Medicine hucksters narrate health as a dramatic story that arouses the emotions of the audience. The narrative is packaged in the form of Minangkabau advice, proverbs and philosophy that not only reflect traditional wisdom, but also build credibility and public trust in the products being sold.

The dramatic narrative presented by medicine hucksters is not something spontaneous but is a form of performance that has gone through repetition and processing. An example of a Minangkabau proverb conveyed by a medicine huckster (field observation, August 21, 2023). “Mangko awak gabungkan kesenian jo ubek. Karano kesenian tu, adat basandi syarak, syarak basandi Kitabullah,” (Therefore I combine art and medicine, because art is a custom based on religion and religion is based on the Quran) which shows how the health narrative does not stand alone, but is combined with cultural and religious principles (Islam), in a structure that can be repeated and recognized as part of a particular performance style. This confirms the findings of Schechner and Turner that restored behaviour is “behaviour that is symbolic and performed not for the first time” (Schechner and Turner).

Medicine huckster performances also reflect the use of cultural frames—symbolic boundaries that separate everyday reality from the reality of the performance. When they use distinctive intonations such as when appointing traditional elders and display drug demonstrations with body dramatizations, they are creating liminal space—a space between reality and illusion.

Health narratives in the form of Minangkabau proverbs such as: “Iko lah lauik sati rantau batuah…” (This is the sacred ocean and the blessed land) not only function as a story opener, but also as a means to build moral values and social legitimacy. Medicine hucksters frame themselves as figures who have experienced wandering, suffering and deep local knowledge, so they are worthy of trust. This phenomenon is similar to Schechner’s opinion which emphasizes the transformative function of performances in society (Schechner and Turner).

In addition, the use of proverbs such as “alam takambang jadi guru” (nature develops into a teacher) shows that medicine hucksters not only convey health information, but also carry out learning rituals and absorb the meaning of life through cultural symbols. Here, their actions enter the realm of ritualized performance, where every word, gesture and item displayed has symbolic value.

The traditional Minangkabau medicine huckster performance is a complex and meaningful cultural practice. It includes theatrical, symbolic and economic aspects that are interrelated in a performance system. Through Schechner’s approach, it can be understood that the dramatic narrative of health that they convey is not just a promotional tool, but is a restored behaviour that carries cultural and spiritual values. Thus, this practice needs to be seen as part of a performative heritage that is of high value and deserves to be studied more deeply.

(4). Medicine Huckster as an Actor

Medicine hucksters have talents on par with stage actors. Based on field observations on August 21, 2023, they exhibit characteristics commonly possessed by actors: acting skills, use of special costumes, clear vocal articulation, mastery of dynamic tempo and selection of interesting and communicative diction. Their vocals sound clear and loud when delivering narratives, with expressive intonation and tempo. The narratives delivered often use metaphorical, symbolic and satirical diction, reflecting their skill in forming discourses that arouse the emotions and imagination of the audience.

Fig. 3 The Medicine Huckster performing a monologue act in Padang Panjang. *Datuak* Jhon, August 21, 2023. Photo: Kurniasih Zaitun

Through their narrative, medicine hucksters build a variety of atmospheres: tension, humour and familiarity. These atmospheres function as dramaturgical devices to maintain the audience’s attention. In this case, their performances can be read as a form of performance in Schechner’s sense, namely an act staged with awareness of space, time and the presence of the audience (Schechner, Performance Studies: An Introduction). Furthermore, the communication style used tends to be spontaneous and improvisational, requiring mastery of public speaking techniques and responsiveness to audience reactions. This shows that they have gone through an intense training process—both formally and through repeated experiences in the field. One of their main strategies is the use of local language and terms that are familiar to the culture of the local community. This style supports the concept by Goffman about social dramaturgy (Goffman), where individuals in social interactions display certain “roles” to create the desired impression in front of the audience.

Fig. 4. The Medicine Huckster practicing its medicinal properties on a bystander at a traditional market in Padang Panjang. (clockwise from left) Mak Zul, *Datuak* Jhon, on August 21, 2023. Photo: Kurniasih Zaitun

The presence of aids such as microphones and speakers as well as special costumes strengthen the theatrical and visual dimensions of the performance. Costumes function as markers of identity as well as tools to build character in the eyes of the audience. The audience is not only a passive listener, but often actively involved through laughter, verbal responses and even direct interaction in product demonstrations. This interaction creates a participatory space that strengthens the emotional connection between the actor and the audience. Thus, the medicine huckster can be positioned as an actor in the performative stage of public space, which combines the art of storytelling, acting and cultural communication in one lively and dynamic street performance.

Fig. 5 The Medicine Huckster performing acting to “prove” and practice the efficacy of the medicine he sells by involving the audience at a traditional market in Padang Panjang. (clockwise from left) Ujang, Mak Zul, *Datuak* Jhon, August 21, 2023. Photo: Kurniasih Zaitun

(5). Medicine Huckster Properties as a Supporting Tool to Convince the Audience

Medicine hucksters often involve visitors in the demonstration process of various props, including the drugs they promote. In this practice, they deliberately select individuals from the crowd to participate as models. The goal is for potential consumers to gain direct experience, get to know the products offered better and understand how to use them practically. The interaction between traders and visitors takes place intensively during the demonstration. This interaction is not only manifested in the form of conversation (verbal), but also through physical touch on parts of the body that are considered to need treatment. This casual chat and touch are deliberately presented as a strategy to build trust in the trader and the products offered. This approach creates a personal and convincing impression for potential buyers.

Fig. 6 The Medicine Huckster preparing animal skull props, dolls and various other objects and accessories in his act of selling medicine at a traditional market, in Padang Panjang City. Mak Aji, August 21, 2023. Photo: Kurniasih Zaitun

The direct involvement of visitors in the demonstration not only functions as a marketing strategy but also influences the perception and decision of visitors to buy and consume the drug. Based on an interview conducted with one of the audiences, it was revealed that the high curiosity about the type of drug being sold encouraged the desire to participate as a model, in order to prove the efficacy of the drug directly (interview with the audience, August 21, 2023). The presence of visitors as part of the demonstration plays a significant role in creating a persuasive effect on other viewers. Photo (5) shows visual documentation of how the involvement of visitors in the demonstration helped strengthen the appeal of the medicine huckster’s performance.

Fig. 7 The Medicine Huckster performs a scene of a debus game—a traditional performance that involves stabbing sharp objects into the body without causing injury— in Padang Panjang City. *Datuak* Jhon. September 20, 2022. Photo: Kurniasih Zaitun

This phenomenon can be read as a form of restored behaviour (Schechner and Turner), that is consciously modified and repeated within the framework of the performance. Medicine hucksters actively construct moments of performance that combine elements of spontaneity and repetition, thus creating a dramatic and convincing effect. Within the framework of Goffman’s dramaturgy traders take on the role of actors who appear in front of the “audience” with a set of impression management techniques (Goffman). Through “front stage” such as costumes, compelling narratives and direct visitor engagement, merchants build credibility and increase sales potential.

Fig. 8 The Medicine Huckster interacting with the audience in Padang Panjang City.. September 20, 2022. Photo: Kurniasih Zaitun

**Medicine Huckster Theatricality as a Source of Inspiration for I C U⁺ Theatre Performances**

The theatricality of the medicine huckster has inspired me to create a theatre performance. I have successfully staged the I C U⁺ theatre on September 13, 2023 at the Mursal Esten ISI Padang Panjang Performance Hall. This work is the result of five years of research into the theatricality of the medicine huckster, which is popular among the community. This performance does not merely imitate the external form of its attractions, but explores its social substance and presents it dramatically in the form of multimedia theatre. The duration of the performance is 30 minutes.

Fig. 9 *I C U⁺* by Kurniasih Zaitun (writer/director/producer), The Contemporary Theatre inspired from Theatricality Medicine Huckster held in Padang Panjang City. (clockwise from left): Fazri Arif Shaputra, Mentari Fahreza, Angel Rahmana Putra, Mahatirani Sibuea and Nur Rifzky Hidayat. on September 13, 2023. Photo: Kurniasih Zaitun

The main theme of I C U⁺ is contemporary “social diseases,” namely problematic social behaviour that endangers mental health and public morals—such as online shopping addiction, obsession with popularity on social media and online gambling practices.

The central character is a Medicine Huckster, who is the main driver of the story. He delivers the narrative through monologues and direct interactions with the audience and introduces other characters such as the Fabric Merchant and Online Cosmetic Merchant, a magician, an acrobat and an MC as the opening and closing act of the show.

The format of the show is episodic; each part raises a specific social issue. To strengthen the narrative, videography and video mapping are used to display related social events, while also building a strong visual atmosphere. The entertainment aspect is presented through magic, acrobatics and choreography. The costumes of the actors—including those of health workers—add symbolism, referring to the COVID-19 pandemic and the global social situation.

Aesthetically, I C U⁺ is a multimedia theatre that combines literature, art, music, movement and digital technology. It is not only representational, but also reflective of the dynamics of modern society. The Medicine Huckster character becomes a binding element, functioning as a narrator and social critic in the form of interactive entertainment. He bridges the stage with social reality. I C U⁺ is a creative experiment that combines traditional and contemporary performing arts, lifting everyday reality into a communicative, reflective and entertaining theatre medium. I C U⁺ Performance Video Link (Zaitun).

From Stall to Art Performance Stage

The medicine huckster phenomenon in urban and suburban areas is not just an economic activity but can be read as a performance practice rich in theatrical elements. In Schechner’s performance theory framework (Schechner, Essays on Performance Theory, 1970-1976), this activity reflects restored behaviour—actions that are repeated, constructed and performed in a certain context to achieve a certain effect on the audience. Dramatic verbal narratives, body movements that resemble dance from martial arts movements, magic, invulnerability games and the use of traditional and popular music, are part of the performative repertoire that is continuously reproduced to attract the attention of the audience. The pattern of repetition of movements and speech of the drug dealers has proven to attract the attention of the audience. There is a dramatic structure: an opening that arouses curiosity, a peak that arouses emotion and a convincing ending—similar to the structure of a performance. They do not just sell goods, but present performing arts in a dynamic public space. The art of storytelling, acting, improvisation and sometimes traditional music are used to strengthen the atmosphere. This creates an experience that sells while entertaining and educating. Prousali’s idea is justified: the audience “acts without acting,” simulating actions and speech unconsciously (Prousali). The assumption of passivity is also dropped and the shift from semantics to sensation becomes valid. Perception is formed through empathy, emotion and meaning, influenced by personal factors such as education, sociology and history, so that the audience’s response is individual.

The theatricality of medicine hucksters—with dramatic narratives, lively gestures and emotional interactions—inspires the creation of performing arts, especially theatre. Their communication style opens up opportunities to formulate acting models rooted in local culture. This is important because acting does not have to come from formal stages or scripts. Fresh and contextual expressions can be born from everyday life, such as traditional markets. This performance is cheap, down-to-earth and relevant entertainment, while preserving oral traditions and local cultural expressions from the threat of extinction. The power of medicine huckster stories has the same power as traditional theatre in Minangkabau, namely randai performing arts. In randai, the stories are taken from kaba, for example kaba Cindua Mato. Medicine huckster performances also narrate actual stories and issues that are being discussed in society, such as presidential elections, corruption and so on. If in randai there are actors who play the characters in the kaba story, while in medicine huckster, he directly acts as an actor to sell medicine and interact with the audience in conveying his narratives. In addition, their existence also enlivens public space as an arena for the production of meaning, as described by Lefebvre’s view, that space is not only a physical location, but also a place where social practices take place that shape and are shaped by cultural interactions (Lefebvre). Thus, medicine huckster is not only relevant in the study of informal economy, but also important in the study of performativity and cultural space of urban and suburban communities.

In this context, medicine huckster performances can be read as a form of lively and functional folk theatre. They play an important role as communicators, entertainers and guardians of traditional narratives in society. Their activities open up opportunities to formulate an acting model based on local culture. This is in line with Pauka’s view that randai is not only a medium of entertainment, but also a means to strengthen cultural values and convey social messages through a collaborative and communicative performance structure (Pauka).

If Randai (traditional Minangkabau art) unites oral arts (oral literature), music, dance and martial arts in a collective storytelling unit, then medicine hucksters also combine elements of narrative, body, voice and action in a spontaneous but structured performance. As in randai, the drug dealers also build two-way communication with the audience, inviting them to be involved in the flow and emotions of the performance. There are at least three aspects that show similarities between medicine huckster theatricality and randai, namely an inclusive, situational and interactive audience; public space as a performance stage; and combining narrative with story.

In Randai performances, the audience is close to the performers and is often invited to interact, either through participation or by making comments to which the performers respond. This involvement reflects the open aesthetics of randai, allowing for audience expression. Something similar is seen in the attractions of traveling medicine traders, where the audience not only watches, but is also often involved, such as becoming a model to prove the efficacy of the medicine. This involvement is spontaneous and important in attracting attention and building trust in the product. Neither randai nor medicine hucksters have a fixed audience. The audience is formed situationally, depending on who passes by or gathers and can be accessed without a ticket fee.

Randai and medicine huckster attractions both utilize public spaces for performances. Randai is held in the village square, mosque yard, or traditional house, while medicine huckster is held in parking lots, city parks, or traditional markets. The use of public spaces provides broad access to the community and creates egalitarian and dynamic performances. Both adapt to the conditions of the space, without a formal stage and often take place in conjunction with other economic or social activities. Randai conveys moral messages, historical stories, or traditional values, while medicine huckster entertains and sells. Medicine huckster uses music, jokes and dramatic stories to attract attention, similar to randai which relies on singing, funny dialogue and folklore plots. Both present entertainment with educational or transactional goals, while maintaining a communicative relationship with the audience. Both randai and medicine huckster are not bound by rigid scripts and improvise according to the audience’s response. Direct interaction is the key to their success, making both folk performing arts that are alive and maintain local culture.

Reading the Theatricality of the Medicine Huckster from Performance Theory

Schechner’s performance theory is very relevant to analyze the activities of medicine hucksters in the socio-cultural context of Minangkabau. A medicine huckster as a performer attracts attention through promotional scripts and the creation of a viewing space. Schechner (Schechner, Performance Studies: An Introduction) sees performance as twice-behaved behaviour, actions that are repeated and constructed in a certain social context. This concept refers to behaviour that is learned and reproduced to form a performance. The theatricality of medicine hucksters, such as health narratives, gestures, costumes and interactions with the audience, are forms of twice-behaved behaviour used to build trust and influence the audience, combining economics and performing arts.

In several contemporary performances, Mermikides explained the relationship between the audience and the performer is formed through a complex and layered gaze mechanism (Mermikides). This reciprocal gaze creates a more reflective affective interaction. The audience becomes a subject who is no longer passive but is involved in forming the meaning of the performance. Boenisch said emotions and empathy are at the core of the audience’s perception, which is influenced by personal factors. (M. Boenisch) developed the concept of relational dramaturgy, which emphasizes the importance of reciprocal involvement between performers and audience in creating meaning, making the audience part of the narrative being acted out. The description above has similarities with the medicine huckster’s practice and performance where audience involvement greatly determines the dynamics and direction of the performance. Although the context is different, in the context of audience participation it shows that the audience’s experience is no longer passive, but active and forms meaning together.

Conclusion

Theatricality in the practice of medicine hucksters shows that informal economic activities can be interpreted as living and meaningful performing arts. Medicine huckster activities not only function as a means of entertainment or promotion, but also as a medium for inheriting local cultural values that continue to live in public spaces.

This study found that medicine hucksters in West Sumatra construct health narratives in the form of dramatic performances that are integrated with Minangkabau philosophy, such as the adat basandi syarak, syarak basandi Kitabullah (Customs are based on religion and religion is based on the Quran) and values such as alam takambang jadi guru (Nature develops into a teacher). This philosophy not only strengthens their credibility in front of the audience but also makes their bodies and voices a medium for conveying local wisdom that is conveyed verbally, symbolically and theatrically. This practice reflects the close relationship between performing arts and the socio-cultural expression of the Minangkabau people, where every action carries collective values and meanings.

Medicine huckster performances are similar to traditional theatre such as randai, which combines stories, body movements, music and proverbs to convey messages and build closeness with the audience. As a contemporary form of folk performance, it emerged from the needs of urban society while preserving the spirit of traditional theatre. This activity opens up opportunities to develop a flexible and contextual folk theatre model. The use of public space as a stage shows an alternative form of theatre that is inclusive and responsive to the dynamics of modern society. This practice has great potential to inspire art creators and become a medium for learning acting based on real experiences and local culture.

However, this study has limitations, especially in the technical aspects of the performance, the number of informants and the depth of analysis of the creative process of the actors. It has not been fully explored how the process of training, character formation and dramatic structure are built in their practice. Therefore, further research is needed to perfect the understanding of this social practice-based performing art.

Finally, this study proposes that the performing art form of the medicine hucksters be recognized as part of the intangible cultural heritage that deserves to be documented and preserved. Through a performance studies approach, practices that have so far been underestimated can be reinterpreted as artistic expressions rich in values, symbolism and narrative power—a performative heritage rooted in local wisdom and still alive in the pulse of community life.

Acknowledgements

I would like to thank Aton Rustandi Mulyana and Hanggar Budi Prasetya for their contributions of thoughts and guidance that enriched my perspective on the theatricality of Medicine Huksters and made me write it more openly. I would like to thank Yana Meerzon and the editors and reviewers of this journal, who have also provided their broad views on the development of Asian theater and have also opened up new perspectives for viewing and compiling this article.

I would also like to thank my discussion partners—Maiza Elvira, Iwan Pranoto, Sahrul N, Afrizal Harun, Ediantes, Hendra Nasution, Supriando, and Ibrahim—who have become a space for the growth of ideas and thoughts in this writing process.

Special thanks to the Medicine Hucksters in Padang Panjang City, who with their stories and voices, brought this article to life from the streets into text.

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*Kurniasih Zaitun works as a researcher, actress, director and production manager/producer, as well as a lecturer at the Department of Theatre, Indonesian Institute of the Arts, Padang Panjang, Indonesia. Currently, she is a candidate doctor at Indonesian Institute of The Arts, Surakarta, Central Java, Indonesia. In 2024, her work was awarded first prize as the best scenography in the International University Theatre Festival of Casablanca 36^th edition. Almost every year, she produces performance works and produces some of performance works, especially in West Sumatra and in Indonesia. Kurniasih Zaitun (kurniasih.zaitun@gmail.com), ORCID Kurniasih Zaitun: https://orcid.org/0009-0004-5856-4180.

**Eko Supriyanto is an Associate Lecturer and also Head of Choreography Inquiry in the Dance Department at the Indonesian Institute of the Arts, Surakarta. He is active as a researcher, dancer, choreographer, and lecturer. Trained in Javanese court dance and the Indonesian martial art Pencak Silat since the age of seven, Eko’s performing career includes major works and tours throughout Indonesia, Europe, America, and the Asia Pacific. Eko holds a Doctorate in Performance Studies (2014) from Universitas Gadjah Mada, Yogyakarta, Indonesia and a Master of Fine Arts (MFA) in Dance and Choreography, UCLA Department of World Arts and Cultures/Dance, California (2001). Contact: ekosdance@gmail.com. Orcid: https://orcid.org/0009-0004-3538-8030.

***Yusril, also an Associate Professor, teaches in the Postgraduate Program at the Indonesia Institute of the Arts, Padang Panjang. His professional roles include researcher, scenographer, actor and director. His research and artistic practice focuses on experimentation with objects derived from the local culture of Minangkabau, West Sumatra, Indonesia. His performance titled “Under The Volcanoo” explores the properties of wooden ladders and umbrellas with the power of Minangkabau silat and was one of the performers at the Olympiade Theater – Beijing, China (2014). Contact: yusril2001@gmail.com. Orcid: https://orcid.org/0009-0008-0355-5972.