{"id":693,"date":"2025-11-16T11:42:41","date_gmt":"2025-11-16T11:42:41","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.critical-stages.org\/32\/?p=693"},"modified":"2026-05-20T19:25:00","modified_gmt":"2026-05-20T19:25:00","slug":"a-woman-with-two-husbands-a-play-with-two-displays-ways-of-seeing-taiwanese-kua-a-hi-during-the-japanese-colonial-period","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.critical-stages.org\/32\/a-woman-with-two-husbands-a-play-with-two-displays-ways-of-seeing-taiwanese-kua-a-hi-during-the-japanese-colonial-period\/","title":{"rendered":"A Woman with Two Husbands: A Play with Two Displays\u2014Ways of Seeing Taiwanese Kua-a-hi during the Japanese Colonial Period"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Yin-Chen Kang<\/strong>*<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Abstract<\/strong><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

By 1926, kua-a-hi had entered the commercial theatre scene in Taiwan with the appearance of the play A Woman with Two Husbands<\/font>. From the early to mid-1930s, Columbia Records in Taiwan released two sets of recordings titled A Surprising Case in Hok-tsiu<\/font> and A Surprising Case in Hok-tsiu, Episode 2<\/font>. In fact, A Woman with Two Husbands<\/font> and A Surprising Case in Hok-tsiu<\/font> were different titles for the same play. Around the same time, a Japanese police official in Taiwan, Toho Takayoshi\u2014who also served as a courtroom interpreter and researcher of Taiwanese language\u2014published a kua-a-hi<\/font> script titled A Woman with Two Husbands<\/font>, together with a series of articles on Taiwanese customs in the official magazine Taiwan Times<\/font>. Takayoshi selected this script as a representative example of \u201cTaiwanese flavor,\u201d suggesting that by the mid-1930s the play had achieved widespread popularity and had come to be seen as emblematic of kua-a-hi<\/font>. \nThis article focuses on Takayoshi\u2019s script and compares it with the Columbia Records versions of A Surprising Case in Hok-tsiu<\/font>. The discussion engages issues of political correctness and the survival strategies of kua-a-hi<\/font> in the prewar period. The analysis reveals contrasting attitudes\u2014both among the colonizers and within the colonized\u2014toward kua-a-hi<\/font>, which resulted in different representations of the same play. Ultimately, this case provides an illuminating example of how kua-a-hi<\/font> was perceived and staged during its formative years, in contrast to its current status as a treasured emblem of Taiwanese national culture.

Keywords:<\/strong> A Woman with Two Husbands<\/font>, A Surprising Case in Hok-tsiu<\/font>, Affectionate Ex-husband vs. Dutiful Step Husband<\/font>, Toho Takayoshi, peh-li-hi\/peh-ji-hi, Columbia Records
<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A Woman with Two Husbands<\/em> (\u4e00\u5973\u914d\u5169\u592b), also known as A Surprising Case in Hok-tsiu<\/em>[1]<\/sup><\/a> (\u798f\u5dde\u5947\u6848) and Affectionate Ex-husband vs. Dutiful Step Husband<\/em> (\u524d\u5c2a\u6709\u60c5\u5f8c\u5c2a\u6709\u7fa9), is a long-lasting kua-a-hi<\/em> \u6b4c\u4ed4\u6232 play that originated in the 1920s. Kua-a-hi<\/em>, regarded today as a national treasure in Taiwan, emerged in commercial theatre around the mid-1920s. By the early 1930s, records of kua-a-hi<\/em> began to be sold in the Taiwanese market, and research on its plays and scripts commenced. Some of these works are considered representative of the \u201cTaiwanese flavor\u201d in theatre.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In just one decade, kua-a-hi<\/em> developed a mature form in commercial theatre and was recorded in both written and phonograph formats. Traditional Chinese theatre, formed before the twentieth century, often took decades or even centuries to undergo a similar evolution\u2014from inception to popularity, publication of scripts, and documentation by literati. In contrast, kua-a-hi<\/em>\u2019s evolution occurred at a notably rapid pace, primarily because it emerged in modern times while presenting a \u201cclassical\u201d appearance.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The development of its mature form and the emergence of representative plays were facilitated by modern commercial theatre, the phonograph record industry, and contemporary media such as newspapers and magazines. Thus, kua-a-hi<\/em> should be defined as \u201cmodern classical theatre,\u201d rather than \u201ctraditional theatre.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A Woman with Two Husbands\/A Surprising Case in Hok-tsiu<\/em> was recorded by Columbia Company during the Japanese colonial period (1895\u20131945). The old records have been digitized as sound files, and its script was published by a Japanese police official, Toho Takayoshi \u6771\u65b9\u5b5d\u7fa9, during this period. This is the only known case of Taiwanese theatre from that time. This article will introduce the script and compare it with the Columbia recording to demonstrate how a play can be represented differently based on varying aims\u2014commercial or political.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

I: From Commercial Theatre, Record Market to Official Publication<\/strong><\/h5>\n\n\n\n
1.The Emergence of the Play in Commercial Theatre<\/strong><\/h6>\n\n\n\n

According to existing historical sources, the title A Surprising Case in Hok-tsiu<\/em> first appeared in the Taiwan Daily News<\/em> (\u53f0\u7063\u65e5\u65e5\u65b0\u5831) on December 19, 1921. It was played by a troupe of Tio-tsiu \u6f6e\u5dde theatre (\u201cSin Bu-tai\u201d 5). Aside from the title, no description of the content was provided. The following year, 1922, there was an advertisement in the Taiwan Daily News<\/em> on August 18. A troupe from Pak-tau \u5317\u6295 would perform A Surprising Case in Hok-tsiu, Revenge of a Wronged Soul<\/em> (\u798f\u5dde\u5947\u6848\u51a4\u9b42\u5831\u4ec7) (\u201cSin Bu-tai\u201d 6). However, A Surprising Case in Hok-tsiu<\/em> as a kua-a-hi<\/em> play does not involve themes of revenge or ghosts. Therefore, the advertised play is not related to kua-a-hi<\/em>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In 1926, a report in the Taiwan Daily News<\/em> on February 20 stated that Tan-kui Company (\u4e39\u6842\u793e) would perform A Woman with Two Husbands<\/em> in Ing-lok Theatre (\u6c38\u6a02\u5ea7) in Taipei (\u201cIng-lok Tso\u201d 4). The next day, February 21, another report indicated that Tan-kui Company would perform A Woman with Two Husbands, Episode 2<\/em> (\u201cIng-lok Tso\u201d 4). According to Hsu Ya-Hsiang\u2019s \u5f90\u4e9e\u6e58 study, this troupe was organized by a Tainan businessman, Tshua Siong \u8521\u7965, in 1925 (175-76). The troupe mainly played kua-a-hi<\/em> but could also stage Beijing Opera, as it often invited actors from Beijing Opera troupes touring Taiwan.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Troupes from Shanghai performed many plays of \u201csurprising case\u201d and were quite popular among Taiwanese audiences. Therefore, A Woman with Two Husbands\/A Surprising Case in Hok-tsiu<\/em> was probably introduced by Shanghai troupes, though no further historical sources remain today. Nevertheless, the two reports about Tan-kui Company are very likely the earliest records indicating that kua-a-hi<\/em> troupes produced this play. If so, it means that when kua-a-hi<\/em> emerged in commercial theatre during the mid-1920s, this play had already been staged by kua-a-hi<\/em> troupes.<\/p>\n\n\n

\n
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The report of the Tan-kui Company that performed A Woman with Two Husbands<\/em> in the Ing-lok Theatre in Taipei. Source: Taiwan Nichinichi Shinpo Sound Culture Database \u81fa\u7063\u65e5\u65e5\u65b0\u5831\u8072\u97f3\u6587\u5316\u8cc7\u6599\u5eab<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<\/div>\n\n\n
2. A Surprising Case in Hok-tsiu<\/em> of Columbia Recording<\/strong><\/h6>\n\n\n\n

Columbia Company, a major player in Taiwan’s record market, released a set of records titled A Surprising Case in Hok-tsiu<\/em>, labeled as kua-a-hi<\/em>. They also released another set titled A Surprising Case in Hok-tsiu<\/em>, Episode 2<\/em> (\u4e8c\u672c\u798f\u5dde\u5947\u6848). Episode 2 was issued in August 1935, while the first set did not have a specific release date (Fukuoka et al. 62). This was often the case with Columbia\u2019s records. Based on Columbia\u2019s discography, the release date of A Surprising Case in Hok-tsiu<\/em> should be between 1932 and 1933.[2]<\/sup><\/a> The first set consists of three records with six sides. The duration of each side is 3 minutes and 20 seconds; therefore, the total length of the whole set is only 20 minutes. Episode 2 has two records with four sides, resulting in a total duration of 13 minutes and 20 seconds. The plot of the first set was quite complete, while Episode 2 sounds like a sequel. It is possible that the first set was successful in the record market, prompting the production of Episode 2 two to three years later.[3]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n

\n
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Columbia’s record album of A Surprising Case in Hok-tsiu<\/em>. Source: National Taiwan University Library Digital Archive \u570b\u7acb\u81fa\u7063\u5927\u5b78\u5716\u66f8\u9928\u6578\u4f4d\u5178\u85cf\u9928<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<\/div>\n\n\n
3. A Woman with Two Husbands<\/em> Recorded by Toho Takayoshi<\/strong><\/h6>\n\n\n\n

Toho Takayoshi was a police official active in Taiwan between 1913 and 1944. He served as a courtroom interpreter and was also an instructor of Taiwanese Hokkien at the Police and Prison Officer Training School under the Governor-General’s Office. Toho conducted extensive investigations and recorded information about Taiwanese Hokkien and customs, including mass entertainment such as theatre and music.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Between 1936 and 1937, Toho published eight serial articles surveying and introducing Taiwanese theatre in the Taiwan Times<\/em> (\u53f0\u7063\u6642\u5831), titled Taiwanese Customs\u2014Theatre in Taiwan<\/em> (\u53f0\u7063\u7fd2\u4fd7\u2500\u53f0\u7063\u306e\u6f14\u5287) or Taiwanese Customs\u2014Theatre of Islanders<\/em> (\u53f0\u7063\u7fd2\u4fd7\u2500\u672c\u5cf6\u4eba\u306e\u6f14\u5287). The articles Theatre in Taiwan II & III<\/em>, published in August and September 1936, included the script of A Woman with Two Husbands<\/em>. Toho did not specify how he obtained this script or whether it was his dictation. There is a possibility that the script was submitted by a troupe for censorship. During the Japanese colonial period, troupes had to register for licenses; additionally, before performances, they were required to translate scripts into Japanese and submit them to regional police offices for censorship. Troupes were permitted to stage a play only after its script was approved.[4]<\/sup><\/a> Since Toho was a police official, it was more convenient for him to obtain censored scripts.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The script of A Woman with Two Husbands<\/em> was written as a continuous text, not divided into different scenes. However, based on the appearance and exit of roles, this script can be separated into 36 scenes. We can imagine that the whole play must have been performed over more than one night. This situation was quite different from contemporary kua-a-hi<\/em> plays, whether staged in commercial theatre or as offerings to deities in front of temples, which usually last two to three hours. Taiwanese audiences a century ago preferred serial dramas over tightly structured plots. In fact, advertisements for troupes at that time often emphasized \u201cserial plays\u201d and \u201ccomplete stories\u201d rather than selected scenes from well-known works.<\/p>\n\n\n

\n
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A censored script with an official stamp on the first page following the cover. Source: National Taiwan University Library Digital Archive \u570b\u7acb\u81fa\u7063\u5927\u5b78\u5716\u66f8\u9928\u6578\u4f4d\u5178\u85cf\u9928<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<\/div>\n\n\n
II. Political Correctness and Survival Strategy of Kua-a-hi<\/em><\/strong><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

From the records of A Surprising Case in Hok-tsiu<\/em> in 1932\u20131933, A Surprising Case in Hok-tsiu Ep. 2<\/em> in 1935, to the script of A Woman with Two Husbands<\/em> in 1936, we can see that this play was quite popular in the 1930s. The script consists of 36 scenes, and the total length of the records is 43 minutes and 20 seconds, representing the most distinguishable differences between the two versions. However, an easily overlooked detail reveals different operations regarding the same kua-a-hi<\/em> play, driven by different purposes. The label of Columbia records is kua-a-hi<\/em>, while Toho refers to the same play as peh-li-hi<\/em> \u767d\u5b57\u6232. The term peh-li<\/em> \u767d\u5b57 literally means spoken or colloquial language, which contrasts with written, official language and classical Chinese. Peh-li-hi<\/em> typically refers to theatre performed in dialect rather than in the official language.[5]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Toho\u2019s Theatre in Taiwan<\/em> series, he explained that \u201cpeh-li<\/em> means colloquial language; therefore, peh-li-hi<\/em> is theatre played in Taiwanese colloquialism\u201d (December 30-31). From his subsequent introduction, we can see that in Toho\u2019s view, peh-li-hi<\/em> includes kua-a-hi<\/em>, Hakka theatre, and even modern theatre performed by Taiwanese, as Taiwanese dramatists would stage modern theatre using Taiwanese language instead of Mandarin or classical Chinese.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It is necessary to clarify that A Woman with Two Husbands<\/em> should be classified neither as modern theatre nor Hakka theatre. Firstly, the script recorded by Toho is not modern theatre because its main body consists of singing. Secondly, it is unlikely to be Hakka theatre, as there are currently no relevant textual or oral records, scripts, or phonograph recordings of this play in Hakka theatre, whether in the pre-war or post-war period. In contrast, such sources can all be found in kua-a-hi<\/em> from the 1920s to the present. This play is still performed by kua-a-hi<\/em> troupes on contemporary stages. Therefore, it is quite reasonable to believe that A Woman with Two Husbands<\/em> is a kua-a-hi<\/em> script. If this is the case, the following question arises: why did Toho not use the clear and accurate term kua-a-hi<\/em>, but rather the ambiguous term peh-li-hi<\/em> to refer to this script?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Before answering this question, we should examine the status of kua-a-hi<\/em> during the Japanese colonial period. When kua-a-hi<\/em> developed in commercial theatre in the mid-1920s, it quickly became very popular among the Taiwanese public. However, the colonial government did not approve of this type of theatre, and the Taiwanese elite class even disdained and criticized it more harshly. While kua-a-hi<\/em> grew increasingly popular in commercial theatre, its name became a stigma in the minds of the elite Taiwanese. People today would hardly imagine this situation, as kua-a-hi<\/em>, along with poo-te-hi <\/em>\u5e03\u888b\u6232, namely glove puppet theatre, is now regarded as a national treasure representing Taiwanese culture, and troupes of both kinds are often invited to tour overseas as cultural exhibitions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why, then, was kua-a-hi<\/em> strongly rejected by the colonial government and the local elite? Relevant descriptions can also be found in Toho\u2019s article. When introducing kua-a-hi<\/em> in Theatre in Taiwan<\/em>, Toho described it as having \u201cplots of love and sex, performed obscenely\u201d (December 31). He explained that the music, lyrics, melodies, and dances of kua-a-hi<\/em> made audiences feel light, graceful, and bright, arousing an emotion akin to spring sunshine. However, it was often banned due to its perceived obscenity (December 31).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

As a result, when kua-a-hi<\/em> was disapproved of by both the colonizers and the local elites, troupes had to find ways to survive. Newspapers such as Taiwan Daily News<\/em> and Tainan News<\/em> reported that some kua-a-hi<\/em> troupes would \u201cpretend to be peh-li-hi<\/em> troupes\u201d in order to avoid discrimination (\u201cBan-su\u201d 5; \u201cIm-hi\u201d 4). Reporters, who also belonged to the Taiwanese elite class, indicated this \u201cfalse claim\u201d from a critical standpoint. We can reasonably suppose that under these circumstances, before submitting scripts for censorship, troupes might label their scripts as peh-li-hi<\/em> instead of kua-a-hi<\/em> on the covers to pass censorship safely.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Nevertheless, this did not mean that a script marked peh-li-hi<\/em> easily deceived Toho. As a long-time investigator and researcher of Taiwanese language and customs, he clearly distinguished between different genres of Theatre in Taiwan<\/em> and described their characteristics in Theatre in Taiwan\/Theatre of Islanders<\/em>. We can further consider the journal to which he contributed\u2014Taiwan Times<\/em>, a publication issued by the Governor-General\u2019s Office. As a police official contributing to an official journal, Toho adhered to \u201cpolitical correctness,\u201d whether consciously or unconsciously. This could explain why he adopted the term peh-li-hi<\/em> to refer to a kua-a-hi<\/em> script, as the term was more neutral and capable of encompassing kua-a-hi<\/em> according to his definitions in Theatre in Taiwan<\/em>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

On the contrary, the label of the Columbia records clearly identifies kua-a-hi<\/em>. The first reason is that records did not need to be censored in Taiwan. The Columbia Company in Taiwan was backed by Japanese capital, making it impossible to equate local troupes with Columbia in terms of influence. Furthermore, for the purpose of profit, Columbia\u2019s target consumers included the masses, which encompassed but was not limited to the Taiwanese elite class. In fact, kua-a-hi<\/em> was one of Columbia\u2019s featured products, alongside modern Taiwanese popular songs. Columbia is now regarded as the pioneer and leader in creating modern Taiwanese popular songs, but in the context of the colonial period, it perhaps put more effort into producing kua-a-hi<\/em> records.[6]<\/sup><\/a> Clearly, Columbia did not concern itself with official stances or political correctness, despite being part of the colonizing class.<\/p>\n\n\n

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The label for the Columbia record of A Surprising Case in Hok-tsiu, <\/em>which clearly states \u201cnew version of kua-a-hi <\/em>(\u65b0\u6b3e\u6b4c\u6232).<\/em>\u201d Source: National Taiwan University Library Digital Archive \u570b\u7acb\u81fa\u7063\u5927\u5b78\u5716\u66f8\u9928\u6578\u4f4d\u5178\u85cf\u9928<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<\/div>\n\n\n

Toho further pointed out in his articles that since the public had a taste for kua-a-hi<\/em>, it was recently reformed to remove obscene performances (December 31). The reformed kua-a-hi<\/em> was also popular; however, Toho considered it to have \u201clost its original flavor\u201d (December 31). As a result, troupes continued to stage original kua-a-hi<\/em> plays secretly, hiding from regulations (Toho, December 31). The term \u201crecently\u201d likely refers to the mid-1930s when Toho was writing the article, while \u201coriginal\u201d refers to a decade prior, when kua-a-hi<\/em> was first developed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In the mid-1920s, there was a report that showcased the \u201coriginal flavor\u201d of kua-a-hi<\/em>. On August 17, 1926, the North Police Office of Taipei organized a kua-a-hi<\/em> performance. A troupe was ordered to perform Sam-phik and Ing-tai<\/em> (\u4e09\u4f2f\u82f1\u53f0), a classic romantic tragedy akin to Romeo and Juliet<\/em>. The audience consisted of police officers and students from the police officer training school. The aim of this activity was to allow police officers to observe and study how to regulate kua-a-hi<\/em>. As indicated in the opening remarks of official Sato \u4f50\u85e4, they chose this famous kua-a-hi<\/em> play because they believed it contained many lewd lyrics and gestures that could corrupt public morals (Hayakaho Sei 141). Sato expected these police officers to identify points that needed to be banned to aid in enforcing laws in the future. The title of this report is A Play of Fanatical Orchids and Infatuated Butterflies<\/em> (\u72c2\u862d\u7661\u8776\u306e\u6232). Orchids and butterflies are attracted to each other, serving as a metaphor for love. It is unclear whether the reporter, Hayakaho Sei \u306f\u3084\u304b\u307b\u751f, understood the Taiwanese language, but he easily identified themes of \u201cdeeply in love\u201d and \u201cexceedingly sentimental\u201d (142). Its staged gestures of love are more unrestrained, bold, and direct than those of traditional theatre that spread to Taiwan before the twentieth century, making these gestures conspicuous to the Japanese police officers.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Romantic themes and sexual innuendo were regarded as characteristic of kua-a-hi<\/em> by police officers from the 1920s to the 1930s. The police officers believed these features would draw women into unchaste thinking and incite unmarried young people to elope. This perception is why kua-a-hi<\/em> was suppressed by the ruling class and even by the local elite class.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

What, then, would happen if kua-a-hi<\/em> removed sexual innuendo from its lines, lyrics, or gestures? Toho revealed that kua-a-hi<\/em> troupes still staged original plays secretly in the 1930s. Conversely, if troupes performed non-original works, they could do so openly without worrying about bans. In other words, if the content was \u201cpurified,\u201d kua-a-hi<\/em> troupes still had opportunities to shed their stigma. Even if kua-a-hi<\/em> was still unlikely to gain official approval, at least troupes could escape from official prohibition.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Returning to A Woman with Two Husbands<\/em>, since it was not rejected and was even adopted by Toho to illustrate Taiwanese theatrical characteristics, is it possible that the script had been \u201creformed,\u201d equating to \u201cpurified\u201d? What made this script different from \u201coriginal\u201d kua-a-hi<\/em>? Comparing it with the Columbia records may help us uncover the distinctions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

III. Content Differences between Columbia Version and Toho Version<\/strong><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

It is not only the terms but also the plot details that reveal the different approaches to the same play between the script and the phonograph records. The main storyline remains consistent across both versions, as follows:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Tan Tshun-sing \u9673\u6625\u751f, who works for a trading company in Hok-tsiu \u798f\u5dde, has his fleet sunk in a storm. He is rescued by an official, Iunn Phik-tsi \u694a\u4f2f\u679d, and becomes his secretary. Meanwhile, Tshun-sing\u2019s father, Tan Iu-tik \u9673\u6709\u5fb7, and his newly married wife, Lo Hong-kiau \u7f85\u9cf3\u5b0c, mistakenly believe he has died. In desperation, Hong-kiau remarries Ma Gi-sun \u99ac\u7fa9\u9806, agreeing to three conditions. Six years later, Tshun-sing returns to Hok-tsiu, only to find Hong-kiau married to Gi-sun. Tshun-sing’s attempt to take Hong-kiau is rejected by Gi-sun, leading to an argument. Both men sue magistrate Sim Put-tsing \u6c88\u4e0d\u722d, who tests Hong-kiau\u2019s feelings, but she can\u2019t choose between them. Sim\u2019s wife suggests that Hong-kiau fake her suicide to test her husbands. Sim then announces her death with a coffin, causing Gi-sun to abandon his claim, while Tshun-sing accepts it. Ultimately, Hong-kiau chooses to be with Tshun-sing, while Gi-sun, filled with regret, remarries a widow introduced by Tshun-sing.[7]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Toho\u2019s version presents a full story from beginning to end. The key scenes are actually the 14th and the 28th to the 31st scenes, while the other scenes are relatively trivial. Some plots are overly detailed or even unnecessary. In contrast, the Columbia version starts from the climax of the plot. Specifically, it begins six years after the shipwreck, when Tshun-sing returns to his hometown to look for his family and then meets Hong-kiau. The first set of records ends with the result of the trial in court. The selection of the Columbia version is naturally influenced by the brief length of the phonograph recording, making it necessary for the producer to choose the climax for recording. Episode 2 continues to the end of the story.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

For kua-a-hi<\/em>, like traditional Chinese theatre, lyrical songs are the most important part of a play; therefore, the singing skills of the male and female leads are crucial. The tragic and miserable female lead is especially characteristic of kua-a-hi<\/em> and typically bears the majority of the singing. However, in Toho\u2019s version, the female lead does not perform much until scene 28. In that scene, the divided couple reunites. The female lead sings two songs first, and then the male lead appears and sings one song. The following three songs between the male and female leads form a duet. The supporting role, Gi-sun, has two songs. Scene 28 reaches an emotional high and should allow the male and female leads to showcase more lyrical display. However, the number of duets between them seems insufficient.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scenes 29 to 31 represent the climax of the whole play. In scene 31, the female lead only sings a brief song after the two husbands decide whether to reclaim her. In contrast, the two male roles sing a total of six songs. In scene 34, when Tshun-sing and Hong-kiau visit the sick Gi-sun, most interactions occur between the two male roles, featuring five songs, while the female lead only sings one brief song before exiting, without any lines.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Overall, the script spends too many scenes describing trivial details. In contrast, the lyrical scenes, which are truly significant, do not allow the female lead to express enough emotion. The rivalries between the female lead and the two main male roles are few. For a theme centered on separation and reunion between a couple, or a triangular relationship involving one woman and two men, the script is surprisingly lacking in sentiment. It is no exaggeration to say that there are too many trivial and unnecessary plots, while the affections and emotions that should be expressed meticulously are plain and crude. The script seems to lose balance between narrative and lyricism.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

If we use the banning standards from 1926 or the \u201coriginal kua-a-hi<\/em>\u201d indicated by Toho to measure this script, we cannot find so-called \u201clewd lyrics and gestures, which would corrupt public morals\u201d (Hayakaho Sei 141) or \u201cplots of love and sex, performed obscenely\u201d (Toho, December 31). On the other hand, because the rivalries between the male and female leads are insufficient, the script hardly evokes feelings of \u201cexceedingly sentimental\u201d or \u201cdeep love\u201d between the roles, which were characteristics of kua-a-hi<\/em> that even attracted the Japanese police officers in 1926.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Conversely, this script is more likely to be a \u201creformed\u201d version, which \u201cremoves obscene performances but loses original flavor,\u201d as Toho indicated (December 31). This supports the possibility that the script was a censored version. Before submitting for censorship, the troupe might have \u201cpurified\u201d the content, resulting in a lack of emotion and affection. Of course, in live performances, whether the troupe followed the script closely is another story,[8]<\/sup><\/a> but it is actually hard to find fault with the text. Therefore, this might explain why the script passed censorship successfully and why the police official Toho adopted it into his articles and contributed to the journal published by the Governor-General\u2019s Office.<\/p>\n\n\n

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The report of a troupe that did not follow the submitted scripts and was ordered to stop performances by the police. Source: Modern Taiwan Newspaper Database, National Museum of Taiwan History \u570b\u7acb\u81fa\u7063\u6b77\u53f2\u535a\u7269\u9928\u8fd1\u4ee3\u81fa\u7063\u5831\u520a\u8cc7\u6599\u5eab<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<\/div>\n\n\n

Moreover, it would not be self-contradictory for Toho to criticize kua-a-hi<\/em> while simultaneously introducing a kua-a-hi<\/em> script as a representative \u201cTaiwanese flavor.\u201d Because it was a \u201creformed\u201d type, its emotions and affections were faded and \u201cpurified.\u201d It conformed to political correctness, even though it did not retain the original taste of kua-a-hi<\/em>. Perhaps it was a sample that Toho deemed suitable for the public.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

When it comes to the Columbia records, since the duration is much shorter than the script, it sounds like a bridged version. Nevertheless, it is surprising that the content of the records is richer in displaying emotions and affections than the script. When the female lead appears for the first time in the recording, she sings a song to express her sadness about her ex-husband\u2019s tragic death, her helplessness about being forced to remarry, and her nostalgia for lost love. By contrast, in the same scene of the script, the lyrics of the female lead only describe that Tshun-sing died unfortunately and that she had become another man\u2019s wife. The description is straightforward and plain, lacking much emotional expression.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The plot of Episode 2 occurs after the trial. When visiting the sick Gi-sun, the roles of Hong-kiau and Gi-sun have many interactions. Hong-kiau teases Gi-sun, saying he only loved the living Hong-kiau while excluding her dead body. Gi-sun complains that he feels cheated and can\u2019t bear to leave Hong-kiau. In response to Tshun-sing\u2019s suggestion about remarrying another woman, Gi-sun strongly rejects it and feels deceived again upon hearing it. The content is full of emotions and affections, even humorous.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In contrast, in the same scene of Toho\u2019s version, to readers\u2019 surprise, the whole scene consists merely of a conversation between the two male roles, while the female lead remains completely excluded. In other words, the interactions between Hong-kiau and Gi-sun mentioned above are entirely absent in Toho\u2019s version. Therefore, there is no emotional communication between Hong-kiau and Gi-sun. As soon as Tshun-sing suggests Gi-sun remarry, Gi-sun agrees without any emotional change. The female lead appears indifferent, while the same role is humane and nostalgic in Columbia\u2019s version.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Another easily overlooked difference is that Toho\u2019s version places an emphasis on \u201cfemale virtue\u201d (\u5973\u5fb7). When the matchmaker introduces Hong-kiau to Gi-sun, or when Tshun-sing introduces his colleague\u2019s widow to Gi-sun, both mention the virtue of the two women. However, there is no such description in Columbia\u2019s version.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

After comparing Toho\u2019s version with Columbia\u2019s version, the different approaches toward the same play become quite clear. Although it is a play about a couple\u2019s love and involves a triangular relationship, Toho\u2019s version focuses on adhering to etiquette and controlling emotions. This version avoids the label of kua-a-hi<\/em>. On the other hand, Columbia\u2019s version clearly marks kua-a-hi<\/em> and displays emotions and affections freely without any scruples. In fact, Columbia\u2019s version exhibits the essence of kua-a-hi<\/em> art. Since the years the records were issued are earlier than the publication of Toho\u2019s script, and the records need not be censored, it is very likely that Columbia\u2019s version is closer to the original uncensored kua-a-hi<\/em> play.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The purposes of the two versions are obviously different. Columbia\u2019s target audience was the masses; therefore, the type of records naturally catered to public taste. In terms of the ruling class, to which Toho belonged, social order and public security were their major concerns. Since kua-a-hi<\/em> was too popular to be completely prohibited, a practical approach was to provide an \u201cacceptable\u201d sample of a kua-a-hi<\/em> play. This way, Taiwanese audiences could still appreciate this famous play without causing a moral crisis.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Conclusion<\/strong><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In conclusion, the play A Woman with Two Husbands\/A Surprising Case in Hok-tsiu <\/em>was created no later than the mid-1920s and became quite popular in the 1930s. By examining the script recorded by Toho and the Columbia recording, we can uncover the official attitude toward kua-a-hi<\/em> and the survival strategies of kua-a-hi<\/em> troupes. Comparing the two versions also reveals different operational strategies regarding the same play between the ruling class and Japanese capital enterprises, despite both being part of the colonizing system.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The police official Toho utilized the play to create a \u201creformed\u201d model and a representative work of \u201cTaiwanese flavor.\u201d In contrast, the Columbia Company leveraged the play for profit without any intention of changing public taste for kua-a-hi<\/em>. Unlike the ruling class and the local elite, who were concerned with moral education, Columbia did not view the term kua-a-hi<\/em> as a stigma when selling records and did not censor emotional and affectionate performances in their productions. It is quite possible that Columbia\u2019s version preserves more of the original essence of this kua-a-hi<\/em> play.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

During the post-war period, after the Columbia Company withdrew from Taiwan, a local company continued to replicate the Columbia records of A Surprising Case in Hok-tsiu<\/em> for sale in the 1950s\u2014without copyright, of course. Later, in the 1960s and 1970s, new productions of records of this play emerged, following Columbia\u2019s style rather than Toho\u2019s \u201creformed model.\u201d This phenomenon reveals the success of Columbia\u2019s strategy. This play is indeed a representative work because it has remained popular among different generations of Taiwanese audiences since its inception. However, this representativeness is quite different from Toho\u2019s framework and clearly deviates from his expectations.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This play provides a valuable case for examining the formative history of kua-a-hi<\/em>. This article demonstrates that even among colonizers and the colonized, attitudes toward kua-a-hi<\/em> were not necessarily identical. Views on mass entertainment differed significantly between Japanese officials and enterprises, as well as between the Taiwanese masses and the Taiwanese elites. After the colonial period, A Woman with Two Husbands\/A Surprising Case in Hok-tsiu<\/em> has been continuously staged up to the present day. What was the situation during the KMT\u2019s Martial Law period and after democratization? That would be another story worth exploring in the future.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n\n\n\n
Endnotes<\/strong><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/sup><\/a> This article adopts Taiwan Romanization Phonetic Alphabet (\u81fa\u7063\u95a9\u5357\u8a9e\u7f85\u99ac\u5b57\u62fc\u97f3\u65b9\u6848) as the phonetic transcription for terms used by speakers in Taiwan during the Japanese colonial period. In addition, Japanese Romaji <\/em>is adopted for terms from Japanese sources.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/sup><\/a> This set consists of three records, totaling six sides. The side numbers are Columbia 80177-A & B, Columbia 80178-A & B, and Columbia 80179-A & B (Fukuoka et al. 100). Compared to the earlier record no. 80168-A, issued in 1932 (Fukuoka et al. 99), and the later record no. 80259-A & B, issued in 1933 (Fukuoka et al. 108), the estimated year of this set is between 1932 and 1933.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/sup><\/a> The performers of the first set include Tshing-hiong \u6e05\u9999, Phek-hun \u78a7\u96f2, Tsui-lian \u6c34\u84ee, and Hiong-hui \u96c4\u98db. The performers of the second set are Phek-hun, Ang-lian \u7d05\u84ee, and Suat-mui \u96ea\u6885. Tshing-hiong and Ang-lian (whose real name is Kan Guat-ngoo \u7c21\u6708\u5a25) were two of the most famous singers of their time. The backgrounds of the other performers are less clear, but Phek-hun and Suat-mui should also be considered significant based on their recording numbers for the Columbia Company. The kua-a-hi<\/em> recording numbers for the four singers are as follows:
– Tshing-hiong: 316 sides
– Ang-lian: 278 sides
– Phek-hun: 258 sides
– Suat-mui: 101 sides
I use \u201ca side\u201d instead of \u201ca record\u201d as a statistical unit because a record may include different performers on each side.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/sup><\/a> Occasionally, police officers would monitor performances on-site. If they discovered that troupes were not following the scripts, they would order the performances to stop. These inspections were usually conducted as surprise checks. Sometimes, local people would report to the police if they considered a performance to be too obscene.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/sup><\/a> During the Japanese colonial period, peh-li-hi<\/em> in Taiwan could refer to Tsuan-tsiu \u6cc9\u5dde theatre, Tio-tsiu theatre, kua-a-hi<\/em>, and Hakka \u5ba2\u5bb6 theatre, as all of them were performed using a dialect. Many sources, including Japanese investigations, Taiwanese descriptions, and newspaper reports, clearly support this.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/sup><\/a> Taking the aforementioned singers Tshing-hiong and Ang-lian as examples, they are now well-known as the first generation of popular song singers in Taiwan. When performing popular songs, they used different stage names: Tshing-hiong went by Sun-sun, and Ang-lian went by Ai-ai. The latter names are now much better known than their original ones. According to Columbia\u2019s discography, Tshing-hiong\u2019s kua-a-hi<\/em> records consist of 316 sides, while Sun-sun\u2019s popular song records total 109 sides. Ang-lian\u2019s kua-a-hi<\/em> records have 175 sides, while Ai-ai\u2019s popular song records have 38 sides. Occasionally, the singer also recorded kua-a-hi<\/em> under her real name, Guat-ngoo, totaling 103 sides. Therefore, Kan Guat-ngoo\u2019s total number of kua-a-hi<\/em> records is 278 sides, which is significantly larger than her popular song records.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/sup><\/a> Some plots may evoke shipwrecks in Shakespeare\u2019s works or Ibsen\u2019s The Lady from the Sea;<\/em> however, it remains difficult to determine whether these works were staged in Taiwan during the colonial period. In the 1920s and 1930s, a few Taiwanese students in Tokyo might have had opportunities to learn about Western drama, but it is unclear whether they introduced these works to Taiwan. The trial plot may evoke a fourteenth-century Chinese play, Judge Bao\u2019s Clever Investigation of the Case of the Chalk Circle<\/em> (\u5305\u5f85\u5236\u667a\u52d8\u7070\u95cc\u8a18). In this play, two mothers contest over a baby. The case is judged by the upright official, Lord Bao, who uses a clever strategy to identify the real mother. It is possible that the idea for this plot is derived from The Case of the Chalk Circle<\/em>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/sup><\/a> There were reports of a troupe that did not follow the submitted scripts and was ordered to stop performances upon discovery by a police officer. See \u201cKua-kiok Be-kha Pai-loo,\u201d Tainan Shinpo,<\/em> 24 Feb. 1936, evening ed., p. 4.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bibliography<\/strong><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

\u201cBan-su It-pun \u842c\u6b8a\u4e00\u672c [Unity in Diversity].\u201d Tainan Shinpo<\/em>, 22 Sept. 1925, p. 5. Modern Taiwan Newspaper Database<\/a><\/em>. Accessed 14 May 2025.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Fukuoka, Shota, et al., editors. Nihon Koromubia gaichi rokuon disukogurafi<\/em> \u65e5\u672c\u30b3\u30ed\u30e0\u30d3\u30a2\u5916\u5730\u9332\u97f3\u30c7\u30a4\u30b9\u30b3\u30b0\u30e9\u30d5\u30a3\u30fc [The Discography of Nippon Columbia\u2019s Overseas Recordings]. National Museum of Ethnology, 2007.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hayakawa Sei. \u201cKyoran chich\u014d no gi \u72c2\u862d\u75f4\u8776\u306e\u6232 [A Play of Fanatical Orchids and Infatuated Butterflies]<\/a>.\u201d Taiwan Keisatsu Ky\u014dkai Zasshi<\/em>, no. 112, 1926, pp. 139\u201343. Taiwan Studies Digital Library<\/em>. Accessed 19 Sept. 2025.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hsu, Ya-Hsiang. Rizhi shiqi Taiwan xiqu shilun\u2014xiandaihua zuoyong xia de juzhong yu juchang<\/em> \u65e5\u6cbb\u6642\u671f\u81fa\u7063\u6232\u66f2\u53f2\u8ad6\u2014\u73fe\u4ee3\u5316\u4f5c\u7528\u4e0b\u7684\u5287\u7a2e\u8207\u5287\u5834 [A Study of Taiwanese Theatrical History of the Japanese Colonial Period\u2014Genres and Theatres under Modernization]. Nantian, 2006.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cIm-hi Gi Kim \u6deb\u6232\u5b9c\u7981 [Lewd Plays Should Be Prohibited]<\/a>.\u201d Taiwan Nichinichi Shinpo<\/em>, 4 Aug. 1925, p. 4. Taiwan Nichinichi Shinpo Sound Culture Database<\/em>. Accessed 28 June 2024.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cIng-lok Tso Kiok-bok \u6c38\u6a02\u5ea7\u5287\u76ee [Ing-lok Theatre Program]<\/a>.\u201d Taiwan Nichinichi Shinpo<\/em>, 20 Feb. 1926, p. 4. Taiwan Nichinichi Shinpo Sound Culture Database<\/em>. Accessed 28 June 2024.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cIng-lok Tso Kiok-bok \u6c38\u6a02\u5ea7\u5287\u76ee [Ing-lok Theatre Program]<\/a>.\u201d Taiwan Nichinichi Shinpo<\/em>, 21 Feb. 1926, p. 4. Taiwan Nichinichi Shinpo Sound Culture Database<\/em>. Accessed 28 June 2024.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cKua-kiok Be-kha Pai-loo \u6b4c\u5287\u99ac\u8173\u6557\u9732 [Kua-a-hi\u2019s Mask Slips]<\/a>.\u201d Tainan Shinpo<\/em>, 24 Feb. 1936, evening ed., p. 4. Modern Taiwan Newspaper Database<\/em>. Accessed 5 July 2025.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cSin Bu-tai Kiok-bok \u65b0\u821e\u53f0\u5287\u76ee [New Stage Program]<\/a>.\u201d Taiwan Nichinichi Shinpo<\/em>, 19 Dec. 1921, p. 5. Taiwan Nichinichi Shinpo Sound Culture Database<\/em>. Accessed 19 Sept. 2025.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cSin Bu-tai Kiok-bok \u65b0\u821e\u53f0\u5287\u76ee [New Stage Program]<\/a>.\u201d Taiwan Nichinichi Shinpo<\/em>, 18 Aug. 1922, p. 6. Taiwan Nichinichi Shinpo Sound Culture Database<\/em>. Accessed 28 June 2024.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Toho, Takayoshi. \u201cTaiwan shuzoku\u2014Taiwan no engeki [2] \u53f0\u7063\u7fd2\u4fd7\u2500\u53f0\u7063\u306e\u6f14\u5287 [Taiwanese Customs\u2014Theatre in Taiwan]<\/a>.\u201d Taiwan jiho<\/em>, no. 201, Aug. 1936, pp. 35\u201344. Taiwan JIHO Database<\/em> [Taiwan Times<\/em>]. Accessed 19 Sept. 2025.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2014\u2014\u2014. \u201cTaiwan shuzoku\u2014Taiwan no engeki [3] \u53f0\u7063\u7fd2\u4fd7\u2500\u53f0\u7063\u306e\u6f14\u5287 [Taiwanese Customs\u2014Theatre in Taiwan]<\/a>.\u201d Taiwan jiho<\/em>, no. 202, Sept. 1936, pp. 36\u201346. Taiwan JIHO Database<\/em> [Taiwan Times<\/em>]. Accessed 19 Sept. 2025.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2014\u2014\u2014. \u201cTaiwan shuzoku\u2014Taiwan no engeki [4] \u53f0\u7063\u7fd2\u4fd7\u2500\u53f0\u7063\u306e\u6f14\u5287 [Taiwanese Customs\u2014Theatre in Taiwan]<\/a>.\u201d Taiwan jiho<\/em>, no. 205, Dec. 1936, pp. 25\u201332, 67. Taiwan JIHO Database<\/em> [Taiwan Times<\/em>]. Accessed 19 Sept. 2025.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Website 78-rpm Record Collection, National Taiwan University Library Digital Archive <\/em>\u570b\u7acb\u81fa\u7063\u5927\u5b78\u5716\u66f8\u9928\u6578\u4f4d\u5178\u85cf\u9928\uff0e78\u8f49\u5531\u7247<\/a>. National Taiwan University Library. Accessed 10 Aug. 2024.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Taiwan Audio Century<\/em> \u53f0\u7063\u97f3\u8072\u4e00\u767e\u5e74<\/a>. National Museum of Taiwan History. Accessed 10 Aug. 2024. <\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

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*<\/a>Yin-Chen Kang<\/strong> is an associate professor in the Department of Theatre Arts at National Sun Yat-sen University in Taiwan. She earned her BA and MA degrees from National Taiwan University and her PhD from SOAS, University of London. Her area of expertise is the history of Taiwanese theatre before the mid-20th century, particularly during the Japanese colonial period. Since 2017, her research projects have been continually sponsored by the Ministry of Science and Technology of Taiwan. These projects include \u201cA Lost Golden Age: A Study of Japanese Commercial Theatre in Taiwan during the Japanese Colonial Period, 1912\u20131925,\u201d \u201cA Multimedia Theatre of the Early 20th Century: A Study of Rensageki (Chain Theatre) during the Japanese Colonial Period in Taiwan,\u201d \u201cA Pioneer of Taiwanese Modern Theatre: Japanese Shimpa Theatre in Taiwan during the Japanese Colonial Period, 1895\u20131920s,\u201d and \u201cThe Third Piece of the Puzzle: The Spread and Influence of Japanese Opera in Taiwan during the Pre-war Period.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Copyright \u00a9<\/strong> 2025 Yin-Chen Kang
Critical Stages\/Sc\u00e8nes critiques<\/em>, #32, December 2025
e-ISSN: 2409-7411<\/p>\n\n\n

\n
\"Creative<\/a><\/figure>\n<\/div>\n\n\n

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